Summary Taiwan¡¦s petroleum market has been deregulated in the wake of the passing of the Petroleum Administration Law. The market structure should have been shifted to monopolistic competition from the monopoly and the price backed to the so-called equilibrium one. Observing its historical data, we can find the effect of the price decrease is not obvious. In this article, we try to explore the reasons for that using the interest group theory in the public choice school. Every interest group demanding regulation decides how much political resource they would provide in light of their own cost benefit analysis. On the other hand, the administration department supplying regulation will be influenced by some variables such as ideology, institutional constraint, and political variance. Finally the political equilibrium price, i.e. output of regulation, will be reached through adjusting both sides each other.

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In the economic development of Taiwan, the privatization of state-run enterprise has a very important mission in government policy. In the process of Taiwan¡¦s privatization of state-run enterprise, China Steel Corporation (CSC) has plays an essential role among the privatized institutions, and shapes the way and view of the privatization. Past researches were restricted to the enterprise evaluation happened before and after privatization, and stressed the use of the abstract modeling and mathematics, however, the relation between theory and practice has been touched very little in terms of the institutional change of privatization. This study is to explore the privatization of CSC from the perspective of new institutional economics. The methodology used is qualitative approach, which differes from the qualitative approach. The primary approach is document analysis, and supplemented by Gadamer¡uQ&A logic¡v. Under the self-adjustment to the change of internal institution and the adaptation to the change of external environment, the present analysis of CSC privatization, from the perspective of the change of property right and institution, will result in comparative prices change and new transaction profit, and new institution will create some arrangements, inspiration effect, etc. The result of this research can be summarized as two points, which we hope may offer some contributions. 1. From the perspective of property right, the behavior of rent-seeking resulting from the involvement of interest groups during the CSC privatization process may easily cause the phenomenon of increasing transaction cost. Therefore, in the future plan for institutional change, we must consider the institutional environment and strategy to reduce the possibility of that phenomenon. 2. From the perspective of institutional change, the present study analyzed from the imposed institutional change of state-run CSC to the induced institutional change of privatization, and it can give a clear understanding in that the cultural change of enterprise has a critical influence to the institutional change.

The dissertation is made up of three papers on the political economy of corruption and rent-seeking. Two of the papers make use of the historical experience of Britain to illustrate the theoretical points being made. The first paper shows that eighteenth-century Britain displayed patterns of corruption similar to those of developing countries today. To explain anti-corruption reforms, the paper develops a model in which the political elite is split between government officials and asset-owners. Government officials can act in one of two regimes: a corrupt one in which they are free to maximize their income from the provision of government goods, and one in which a regulated system leaves no room for individual profit maximization. Faced with a change in the level of demand for government goods, officials become able to extract rents at a level that leads to other members of the elite voting to enact reforms. The logic of the model is tested using a new dataset of members of the House of Commons and its main implications are validated. The second paper develops a model of how the British political class came to give up its power to extract rents from the economy between the 1810s and the 1850s. The key of the explanation lies in understanding the bargaining process between economic agents who seek permission to engage in economic activity and a legislature that can grant such permissions. The third paper analyzes the distributive effects of corrupt interactions between government officials and citizens. Corruption is modeled as a solution to an allocation problem for a generic government good G. Beyond a transfer from citizens to the government, corruption redistributes welfare towards "insiders" who share some natural connection to the government and to other insiders. Corruption also redistributes welfare towards those who are skilled in imposing negative externalities, and encourages the imposition of such negative externalities. / Government

Some oil-rich countries suffer from a resource curse, a paradoxical situation in which a country with oil wealth has poor economic growth and social development. A country can escape the resource curse by selecting appropriate policies. Governments are responsible for utilizing the right policies and managing the natural resource revenue effectively to benefit their nation. In this report, various economic, political, and social measurements are used to examine the fall into the resource curse by Nigeria, Iraq, and Brazil for a period of time, and the scape of Norway from the resource curse. The report also evaluates the current circumstances of Iraq to determine which direction the resource curse will take. Several recommendations are presented to direct Iraq out of the resource curse. / text

Univ., Diss.--Freiburg (Schweiz), 2004.

Univ., Diss.--Freiburg (Schweiz), 2004.

No Brasil, o ponto de vista de que a competição tributária (sempre retratada como "guerra fiscal") é algo conflituoso faz com que seja difundida uma visão negativa sobre um fenômeno que nem sempre é visto como tal na literatura econômica internacional. Muitos economistas veem essa competição como algo que, sendo capaz de coibir o comportamento rent-seeking por parte dos governantes, seria benéfico para a sociedade. Com base nessa ideia, usando o modelo de Eggert e Sorensen (2008), foi testado se variáveis proxy relativas à intensidade da competição tributária e ao comportamento rent-seeking de políticos no poder eram correlacionadas. Usou-se dados dos 26 estados brasileiros e do Distrito Federal para os anos de 2001 a 2009. Os resultados mostraram que, embora essas variáveis proxy não fossem correlacionadas para os níveis de escolaridade mais baixos, no nível mais alto, havia correlação entre essas duas variáveis, embora ela fosse positiva, o que rejeitava a hipótese de que uma maior competição tributária seria capaz de diminuir o comportamento rent-seeking dos políticos. / In Brazil, the point of view that tax competition (commonly referred to as a “fiscal war”) is something conflictive spreads a negative perspective on a phenomenon that is not always seen as such in the international economic literature. Many economists see this competition as something that, in being able to reduce rent-seeking behavior by politicians, would be beneficial to society. Stemming from this idea, and using the model from Eggert and Sorensen (2008), it was tested if proxy variables relating to the intensity of tax competition and to the rent-seeking behavior of politicians in office were correlated. Data from all the 26 Brazilian states and also Distrito Federal, from 2001 to 2009, were used. The results showed that, although the proxy variables were not correlated for the less skilled groups of workers considered, at the high skilled group, there was correlation between the two variables, but it was positive, which rejected the hypothesis that a more intense tax competition would be able to repress rent-seeking behavior by politicians.

No Brasil, o ponto de vista de que a competição tributária (sempre retratada como "guerra fiscal") é algo conflituoso faz com que seja difundida uma visão negativa sobre um fenômeno que nem sempre é visto como tal na literatura econômica internacional. Muitos economistas veem essa competição como algo que, sendo capaz de coibir o comportamento rent-seeking por parte dos governantes, seria benéfico para a sociedade. Com base nessa ideia, usando o modelo de Eggert e Sorensen (2008), foi testado se variáveis proxy relativas à intensidade da competição tributária e ao comportamento rent-seeking de políticos no poder eram correlacionadas. Usou-se dados dos 26 estados brasileiros e do Distrito Federal para os anos de 2001 a 2009. Os resultados mostraram que, embora essas variáveis proxy não fossem correlacionadas para os níveis de escolaridade mais baixos, no nível mais alto, havia correlação entre essas duas variáveis, embora ela fosse positiva, o que rejeitava a hipótese de que uma maior competição tributária seria capaz de diminuir o comportamento rent-seeking dos políticos. / In Brazil, the point of view that tax competition (commonly referred to as a “fiscal war”) is something conflictive spreads a negative perspective on a phenomenon that is not always seen as such in the international economic literature. Many economists see this competition as something that, in being able to reduce rent-seeking behavior by politicians, would be beneficial to society. Stemming from this idea, and using the model from Eggert and Sorensen (2008), it was tested if proxy variables relating to the intensity of tax competition and to the rent-seeking behavior of politicians in office were correlated. Data from all the 26 Brazilian states and also Distrito Federal, from 2001 to 2009, were used. The results showed that, although the proxy variables were not correlated for the less skilled groups of workers considered, at the high skilled group, there was correlation between the two variables, but it was positive, which rejected the hypothesis that a more intense tax competition would be able to repress rent-seeking behavior by politicians.

Submitted by Marco Antônio de Ramos Chagas (mchagas@ufv.br) on 2018-06-06T12:29:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 673198 bytes, checksum: dc0a09a25f9f65997f5201844fcf6c48 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-06T12:29:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.pdf: 673198 bytes, checksum: dc0a09a25f9f65997f5201844fcf6c48 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-01-16 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / O presente trabalho foi desenvolvido tendo por princípio analítico a conciliação da modelagem matemática com a teoria da Nova Economia Institucional e da Economia da Corrupção, visando avaliar os efeitos econômicos da corrupção. Desenvolveu-se um bloco de equações com a finalidade de representar a dinâmica das principais variáveis institucionais e, utilizando como base o modelo de Alesina e Rodrik (1991), modelou-se a relação institucional-econômica, o que possibilitou a análise dos efeitos da corrupção e de diferentes contextos institucionais iniciais sobre o crescimento econômico e a governança em uma economia hipotética calibrada com dados brasileiros, para o período entre 1995 e 2015. Os resultados evidenciaram que cenários com menor nível de corrupção inicial apresentaram trajetórias de crescimento mais elevadas, maiores níveis de tributação, e maiores níveis de redistribuição de capital ao longo do tempo. O perfil do governo também apresentou efeito considerável sobre o comportamento econômico, com o governo pró-trabalhadores apresentando maiores níveis de crescimento econômico, maiores níveis de tributação, e menores níveis de redistribuição de capital. Conclui-se, por fim, que o modelo econômico desenvolvido na presente pesquisa apresentou comportamento consistente com as evidências empíricas de relativa estagnação do nível de corrupção e de eficiência institucional das nações, da relação negativa entre amabas as variáveis, e do efeito negativo da corrupção sobre o acúmulo de capital, possibilitando a identificação de como a corrupção e o ambiente institucional afetam os padrões de comportamento das demais variáveis. / The present thesis was developed having as an analytical principle the reconciliation of mathematical modeling with the New Institutional Economics and Corruption Economics theory, in order to evaluate the economic effects of corruption. A block of equations was developed to represent the dynamics of the main institutional variables. Using the Alesina and Rodrik (1991) model, the institutional-economic relationship was modeled, which made it possible to analyze the effects of corruption and of different initial institutional contexts on economic growth and governance in a hypothetical economy calibrated with Brazilian data for the period between 1995 and 2015. The results showed that scenarios with lower levels of initial corruption showed higher growth trajectories levels of taxation, and higher levels of redistribution of capital over time. The government profile also had a considerable effect on economic behavior, with the pro-worker government showing higher levels of economic growth, higher levels of taxation, and lower levels of capital redistribution. Finally, it is concluded that the economic model developed in the present research was consistent with the empirical evidence of relative stagnation of the level of corruption and institutional efficiency of nations, the negative relationship between the variables, and the negative effect of corruption on the accumulation of capital, allowing the identification of how corruption and the institutional environment affect the patterns of behavior of the other variables.