O novo Código Florestal (Lei 12.651 de 2012) tramitou por quase 13 anos no Congresso Nacional e obteve grande repercussão social. A maior parte do processo foi caracterizada como vitória da bancada ruralista e derrota governamental, em um momento no qual o Executivo possuía maioria legislativa. Entretanto, o conflito não se deu com a variável oposição e governo, mas entre coalizões rurais e ambientais. Este trabalho busca apontar quais recursos utilizados pelas coalizões foram determinantes no resultado da política. Para isso foi analisada a fase inicial da tramitação da matéria na Câmara dos Deputados, ou seja, o período desde a instalação da comissão especial até a aprovação no Plenário da Casa. As audiências públicas e o parecer da comissão revelaram quais são os interesses em jogo e como eles se organizaram para o conflito. A literatura norte-americana sobre formação de agenda e comportamento legislativo subsidiou a compreensão da atuação das lideranças entendidas como os parlamentares que coordenaram os trabalhos das coalizões. Após apontar os principais recursos utilizados por elas, demonstra-se o quanto algumas estratégias foram determinantes no resultado da política. Constatou-se que a definição de uma proposta politicamente viável pelos representantes da agricultura foi determinante na capacidade de construção e mobilização dessa coalizão. Além disso, considerando que o processo decisório também se tornou objeto de conflito, os procedimentos de discussão e votação da matéria foram escolhidos pelas lideranças não apenas para defender a proposta, mas também para facilitar a obtenção de recompensa eleitoral. / The new Forest Code took almost 13 years in National Congress and had considerable social impact. Most of the process was characterized as a rural victory and governmental defeat, at a time when the Executive held legislative majority. However, the conflict could not be explained by the variable opposition and government, but by rural and environmental coalitions. This work seeks to appoint what coalition resources were determinant in the policy outcome. The first phase of the legislative process in the House of Representatives were analyzed - from the installation of the special committee until the approval on the House floor. The hearings and the committee report described the interests involved and how they organized themselves. The American literature about agenda setting and legislative behavior supported the evaluation about leader\'s action understood as legislators who coordinated the coalition\'s work. After pointing out the key resources used by them, it is shown how some strategies were decisive in the outcome of the policy. It was found that the definition of a politically viable proposal by representatives of agriculture activities was crucial to the capacity of building this coalition. Moreover, considering that the decision-making process also became object of dispute, the procedures for discussion and vote were chosen by the leadership not only to defend the proposal, but also to facilitate the achievement of electoral recompense.

O novo Código Florestal (Lei 12.651 de 2012) tramitou por quase 13 anos no Congresso Nacional e obteve grande repercussão social. A maior parte do processo foi caracterizada como vitória da bancada ruralista e derrota governamental, em um momento no qual o Executivo possuía maioria legislativa. Entretanto, o conflito não se deu com a variável oposição e governo, mas entre coalizões rurais e ambientais. Este trabalho busca apontar quais recursos utilizados pelas coalizões foram determinantes no resultado da política. Para isso foi analisada a fase inicial da tramitação da matéria na Câmara dos Deputados, ou seja, o período desde a instalação da comissão especial até a aprovação no Plenário da Casa. As audiências públicas e o parecer da comissão revelaram quais são os interesses em jogo e como eles se organizaram para o conflito. A literatura norte-americana sobre formação de agenda e comportamento legislativo subsidiou a compreensão da atuação das lideranças entendidas como os parlamentares que coordenaram os trabalhos das coalizões. Após apontar os principais recursos utilizados por elas, demonstra-se o quanto algumas estratégias foram determinantes no resultado da política. Constatou-se que a definição de uma proposta politicamente viável pelos representantes da agricultura foi determinante na capacidade de construção e mobilização dessa coalizão. Além disso, considerando que o processo decisório também se tornou objeto de conflito, os procedimentos de discussão e votação da matéria foram escolhidos pelas lideranças não apenas para defender a proposta, mas também para facilitar a obtenção de recompensa eleitoral. / The new Forest Code took almost 13 years in National Congress and had considerable social impact. Most of the process was characterized as a rural victory and governmental defeat, at a time when the Executive held legislative majority. However, the conflict could not be explained by the variable opposition and government, but by rural and environmental coalitions. This work seeks to appoint what coalition resources were determinant in the policy outcome. The first phase of the legislative process in the House of Representatives were analyzed - from the installation of the special committee until the approval on the House floor. The hearings and the committee report described the interests involved and how they organized themselves. The American literature about agenda setting and legislative behavior supported the evaluation about leader\'s action understood as legislators who coordinated the coalition\'s work. After pointing out the key resources used by them, it is shown how some strategies were decisive in the outcome of the policy. It was found that the definition of a politically viable proposal by representatives of agriculture activities was crucial to the capacity of building this coalition. Moreover, considering that the decision-making process also became object of dispute, the procedures for discussion and vote were chosen by the leadership not only to defend the proposal, but also to facilitate the achievement of electoral recompense.

The creation of the National Health Service is treated, analytically and historically, as a planning process involving major changes in the social organisation of health as a part of the larger set of social and economic reconstruction policies undertaken by the wartime Coalition and postwar Labour governments. Definitions of 'health' are considered as relative both to social expectations and ideology, and to theoretical models of the organisation of health services. These models are identified with certain socio-political agents or interests in the providing and consuming of health services: professional groups, public and private authorities, non-professional workers, and the public. The models of the health service advocates and of the medical profession are considered as reference points. A framework is presented for the analysis of the representation of these interests, by the state, in the planning and operation of the NHS, and as beneficiaries of its services. Through a detailed historical consideration of internal health service planning documents of the major interests, including the medical profession, the health service advocates representing the Labour party and trade unions, and recently released documents of the Ministry of Health and the Coalition and Labour Cabinets, the interaction of the interests with the two governments and with each other is traced, and the reconciliation by the state of the health service models proposed by them is analysed. It is argued that the changes wrought in the social organisation of health in Britain can be described according to certain principles of the organisation of pre- and post-NHS health services: principles of public access, structure of services, structure of administrative control and structure of planning representation. Tne major interests were represented differentially by the state with respect to each of these criteria; similarities and differences between the approaches of the two governments to the representation of interests are examined, and it is concluded that, although the health service advocates and the public benefited from a free and universal scheme, the public and non-professional health workers enjoyed considerably less representation than the medical profession in the particular services provided by the NHS and in its planning and administration.

Am Beispiel von Projektarbeit in der IT-Branche werden die Auswirkungen neuer Managementkonzepte auf die Zeitsouveränität von Projektbeschäftigten anhand qualitativer Interviews untersucht. Flexible Formen der Arbeitsorganisation zielen auf eine Veränderung des Arbeitskraftvermögens hin zu größerer Autonomie und Übernahme betrieblicher Verantwortung durch die Beschäftigten. Mit den veränderten Kontrollformen des Managements modifizieren sich die betrieblichen Machtverhältnisse. Im Konzept des Zeithandelns werden die aktiven Gestaltungsleistungen der Beschäftigten bei der Arbeitszeitgestaltung hervorgehoben, gleichzeitig können verschiedene zeitsoziologische Theorien integriert werden. Wesentliches Ergebnis der empirischen Untersuchung verschiedener Arbeitszeitkulturen in IT-Betrieben ist eine Machtverschiebung zugunsten des Managements. Auf Seiten der abhängig Beschäftigten ist positiv zu verbuchen: eine größere Autonomie in der Arbeit, die Ausdifferenzierung eigenständiger Zeitstile sowie eine hohe Wertschätzung und Anerkennung durch Vorgesetzte. Dagegen stehen restriktive Rahmenbedingungen wie Zeitdruck, ungünstige Bedingungen für die Work-Life-Balance und starke zeitliche und gedankliche Vereinnahmung der Beschäftigten durch den Betrieb. Durch das Fehlen kollektiver Formen der Interessenvertretung und einen defensiven Konfliktumgangsstil sind die betrieblichen Beziehungen durch individuelle Aushandlungsprozesse geprägt.

Am Beispiel von Projektarbeit in der IT-Branche werden die Auswirkungen neuer Managementkonzepte auf die Zeitsouveränität von Projektbeschäftigten anhand qualitativer Interviews untersucht. Flexible Formen der Arbeitsorganisation zielen auf eine Veränderung des Arbeitskraftvermögens hin zu größerer Autonomie und Übernahme betrieblicher Verantwortung durch die Beschäftigten. Mit den veränderten Kontrollformen des Managements modifizieren sich die betrieblichen Machtverhältnisse. Im Konzept des Zeithandelns werden die aktiven Gestaltungsleistungen der Beschäftigten bei der Arbeitszeitgestaltung hervorgehoben, gleichzeitig können verschiedene zeitsoziologische Theorien integriert werden. Wesentliches Ergebnis der empirischen Untersuchung verschiedener Arbeitszeitkulturen in IT-Betrieben ist eine Machtverschiebung zugunsten des Managements. Auf Seiten der abhängig Beschäftigten ist positiv zu verbuchen: eine größere Autonomie in der Arbeit, die Ausdifferenzierung eigenständiger Zeitstile sowie eine hohe Wertschätzung und Anerkennung durch Vorgesetzte. Dagegen stehen restriktive Rahmenbedingungen wie Zeitdruck, ungünstige Bedingungen für die Work-Life-Balance und starke zeitliche und gedankliche Vereinnahmung der Beschäftigten durch den Betrieb. Durch das Fehlen kollektiver Formen der Interessenvertretung und einen defensiven Konfliktumgangsstil sind die betrieblichen Beziehungen durch individuelle Aushandlungsprozesse geprägt.