Thesis by publication. / Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University (Division of Information & Communication Sciences, Dept. of Mathematics), 2007. / Bibliography: p. 119-123. / Introduction -- Mackey functors on compact closed categories -- Lax braidings and the lax centre -- On centres and lax centres for promonoidal catagories -- Pullback and finite coproduct preserving functors between categories of permutation representations -- Conclusion. / This thesis studies the theory of Mackey functors as an application of enriched category theory and highlights the notions of lax braiding and lax centre for monoidal categories and more generally promonoidal categories ... The third contribution of this thesis is the study of functors between categories of permutation representations. / x,123 p. ill

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-108). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2005. / Advisor: Dr. John R. Quine, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of Mathematics. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 19, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains x, 69 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 253-255).

Orientador: Maria Lygia Quartim de Moraes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T08:33:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moreira_NubiaRegina_M.pdf: 1102733 bytes, checksum: dc9e2aed5c6d723ece88abba2a1aba5c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: A Formação do feminismo negro brasileiro é apresentado nesse trabalho a partir do movimento de mulheres negras do Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo. O período estudado foi demarcado entre 1985 a 1995, descrevendo-se também os seminários, encontros e fóruns de debates do movimento de mulheres negras com os seus principais interlocutores: os movimentos negro e feminista. Pretende-se também analisar a objetivação da representação política das feministas negras, questão que comparece como central tanto em relação com o feminismo tradicional como também no interior do próprio feminismo negro. Discursos de diferença e identidades são produzidos como afirmação de uma identidade feminina negra e de uma especificidade da mulher negra. A representação da identidade feminina negra gera uma tensão no interior do próprio movimento uma vez que a determinação da raça se torna insuficiente para pensar e viver uma identidade feminina negra que pretende abarcar todas as nuances das mulheres negras. Outras demandas são apresentadas como possibilidades de demarcações das diferenças, ou melhor, das desigualdades que atingem diferentemente as mulheres negras a depender da posição social e das oportunidades e experiências vivenciadas por cada uma delas. Como fruto desse intenso conflito que aqui é denominado como a quebra da homogeneidade da identidade feminina negra, assiste-se na década de 90 o surgimento das primeiras organizações não-governamentais de mulheres negras (ONGs), remodelando em tempos mais atuais a questão da representatividade política das mulheres negras frente aos organismos nacionais e internacionais de deliberação de políticas públicas / Abstract: The formation of the Brazilian Black Feminism is presented in this paper based on the Black Women¿s Movement from the cities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. The period of study was delimited from 1985 to 1995, including the description of seminars, meetings and forums of the Black Women¿s Movement with its main characters: the Black and Feminist Movements. It is also intended to analyze the objectivity of the Black Feminists¿ political representation, central issue regarding the traditional feminism as well as the black feminism. Discourses of difference and identity are produced as a way of affirmation of a black feminine identity and specificity. The representation of the black feminism identity creates a tension within the own movement since the race determination becomes insufficient to think and live a black feminine identity which aims to embrace all nuances of the black women. Other demands are presented as possibilities of delimitating the differences, that is, the inequalities that differently touch the black women depending on their social position and opportunities and experiences each of them has gone through. As a result of this intense conflict, called in this paper as the crash of the black feminism identity homogeneity, it is observed in the 90¿s the rising of the first black women¿s non-governmental organizations (NGO¿s), redesigning in most recent times the issue concerning the black women¿s political representation facing the national and international organisms of public policies¿ deliberation / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestre em Sociologia

Orientador: Plamen Emilov Kochloukov / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Matemática, Estatística e Computação Científica / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T05:07:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mattos_AldaDayana_D.pdf: 2629516 bytes, checksum: d0038b12fc57a77bd28fa477bde8e99a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Seja G um grupo finito que age fielmente sobre a álgebra das matrizes de ordem dois...Observação: O resumo, na íntegra, poderá ser visualizado no texto completo da tese digital / Abstract: Let G be a finite group acting faithfully on the matrix algebra of order two...Note: The complete abstract is available with the full electronic document / Doutorado / Matematica / Doutor em Matemática

Orientadores: Dharam Vir Ahluwalia, Pedro Cunha de Holanda / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Física Gleb Wataghin / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T16:17:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_GustavoSalinasde_M.pdf: 1015499 bytes, checksum: c37e17dd874ddddc3fa8389ff81fc905 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O presente trabalho é dedicado a um estudo sistemático das representações dos grupos HOM(2) e SIM(2), que são subgrupos do grupo de Lorentz. É sabido que teorias cujas simetrias são descritas por tais subgrupos preservam a constância da velocidade da luz, esse fato sendo referido como Very Special Relativity. É mostrado que existem representa ções de HOM(2) e SIM(2) redutíveis e de dimensão nita, que portanto não podem ser obtidas inteiramente de representações irredutíveis. Estas são obtidas diretamente das representações das álgebras de Lie hom(2) e sim(2), usando o conhecimento dos grupos de cobertura universal de HOM(2) e SIM(2), que também são apresentados no texto / Abstract: The present work is devoted to a systematic study of the representations of the groups HOM(2) and SIM(2), which are subgroups of the Lorentz group. Theories with symmetries given by these subgroups are known to preserve the constancy of the speed of light, this fact being referred as Very Special Relativity. It is shown that there are nitedimensional reducible representations of HOM(2) and SIM(2) that are not completely reducible, and thus cannot be obtained entirely from irreducible representations. These are obtained directly from the representations of the Lie algebras hom(2) and sim(2), using the knowledge of the universal covering groups of HOM(2) and SIM(2), which are also presented in the text / Mestrado / Física / Mestre em Física

This project deals with the automorphism group G of a Steiner system S (3, 4, 10). S₁₀, the symmetrical group of degree 10, acts transitively on T, the set of all Steiner systems with parameters 3, 4, 10. The purpose of this project is to study the action of S₁₀ on cosets of G. This will be achieved by means of a graph of S₁₀ on T x T. The orbits of S₁₀ on T x T are in one-one correspondence with the orbits of G, the stabilizer of an S [e] T on T.

The main purpose of this thesis is to describe methods of constructing computer-free proofs of existence of finite groups and give useful techniques to perform double coset enumeration of groups with symmetric presentations over their control groups.

This dissertation examines the substantive representation of ethnoracial minorities at the national level, the inter-minority dynamics of descriptive representation at the state level, and the effects of ethnoracial cues on White public opinion regarding policies that disproportionately affect minorities. Taken together, the three chapters offer evidence to support the claim that race not only shapes mass opinion, but also elites' responses to it. The expectation in a representative democracy is that the preferences of the public should influence the voting behavior of elected officials in Congress. Most scholars agree that this is indeed the case, but they have recently begun to ask whose opinions are most influential. Members of Congress seem to disproportionately represent the interests of copartisans and affluent Americans. The literature speaks less to the nature of the relationship between the political preferences of ethnoracial minorities and the voting behavior of members of Congress. Is there also a racial disparity in representation, even after accounting for partisanship and income? Are White Americans better represented in government decisions than are African Americans and Latinos? Chapter 1 explores the relationship between congressional district-level public opinion on proposed bills (estimated using multilevel regression and poststratification), broken down by racial, partisan, and income group, and the roll call votes of House members on those same bills. I find strong evidence of overresponsiveness by members of Congress to copartisan and high-income constituents, and some evidence of underresponsiveness to Blacks. In some cases, minorities' preferences are underrepresented even by representatives of their own parties, on race-targeted policies, and in majority-minority districts. Chapter 2 examines how legislators respond to coethnic and cominority constituents. I conduct an audit study of all state legislators to explore how they respond to constituents of different ethnoracial groups, and to assess whether Black and Latino state legislators in particular are as responsive to cominority constituents (i.e., non-White individuals from a different ethnic minority group) as they are to coethnics (i.e., individuals from the legislator's own ethnic group). Blacks and Latinos currently make up about one-third of the overall U.S. population, and an even larger share of some state populations. In light of this growing diversification of the American electorate, elected officials have incentives to appeal to a broad racial constituency. I conduct an experiment in which state legislators are randomly assigned to receive an email from a coethnic, cominority, or non-coethnic constituent. My findings suggest that Latino constituents are consistently disadvantaged. White and Republican legislators respond to Latino constituents the least, and Black legislators do not show any cominority solidarity toward them. Latino legislators, on the other hand, do exhibit cominority solidarity toward Black constituents by favoring them over White (non-coethnic) constituents. These results have important implications for the prospect of "black-brown" coalitions and for the descriptive representation of ethnoracial minorities. Finally, understanding the factors that shape White Americans' preferences over policies that disproportionately affect racial and linguistic minorities is increasingly important in a diversifying society. Chapter 3 focuses on the effects of racialized stereotypes on the formation of White public opinion regarding Hurricane Maria relief in Puerto Rico. Due to the ongoing fiscal crisis and the damage caused by the hurricane in 2017, the case of Puerto Rico has figured prominently in American media coverage as of late, but we know little about how the attitudes that shape U.S. policy toward Puerto Rico are formed. I conduct a nationally representative survey experiment in which I have two actors---roughly identical in all features except skin complexion---portray hurricane victims and give general information about the damage Maria caused. By varying the skin tone (light or dark) and language (Spanish or English) in the videos, I am able to assess the ways in which racial and linguistic markers shape Americans' preferences about a putatively race-neutral policy (disaster relief). I find that the Spanish language treatment decreases respondents' support for Puerto Rico, but not by much. The effects of race, on the other hand, are contingent on respondents' partisanship, race, and prior knowledge about Puerto Ricans' American citizenship.