This thesis examined how Turkish perception of insecurity, which was based on its suspicions about Greek and Bulgarian intentions and politics towards its territorial integrity and stability of its regime, shaped its view of Turkish/Muslim minorities living in these two states in the early Republican period. Using a wealth of archival material and newspapers, it questioned to what extent these physical and ideological concerns of the Turkish Republic played a role in its approach to these minorities in the period between 1923 and 1938. Turkey perceived the Greek and Bulgarian maltreatment of these minorities as a part of these states&rsquo / hostile intentions regarding the new Turkish state. Thus, what this thesis argued is that Turkey responded to pressure on Turkish/Muslim minorities in these two states not only because of humanitarian concerns but according to its security concern, which became an important factor to determine Turkish interventionist approach to the minority issues in Greece and Bulgaria in this period.

As the powerful visual instruments of modernity, museums have been formulated in multiple narratives under the impact of political ideologies in the modern world. The study aims to analyze the museums of different socio-political contexts of the late Ottoman Empire and the early Turkish Republic comparatively by examining to what extent their buildings, collections, and displaying methods were utilized in the formation of collective identities as part of contemporary imperialist, nationalist, and modernist ideologies. The overall aim of the study is to analyze how history and cultural heritage were perceived and processed for the definition of a common cultural identity in the two different historical contexts by focusing on their display in museums. This study examines pioneering archaeological and ethnographic museums in Turkey, focusing on the Ottoman Imperial Museum [M&uuml / ze-i H&uuml / mayun (1887-1891)], the Museum of Pious Foundations [Evkaf-i Islamiye M&uuml / zesi (1914)], Ankara Ethnographical Museum (1925-1927 / opened in 1930), the non-implemented project including a National Museum (also called as Hittite Museum) (1933), and the Hittite Museum (also known as Eti M&uuml / zesi / and later called as Anatolian Civilizations Museum) (restoration began in 1938)]. In order to provide a critical evaluation, the study utilizes the knowledge produced not only in architecture but also in history, archaeology, ethnography, and museology while analyzing the formation of those museums within their contexts.

This paper examines the relationship between Fulgencio Batista and the Communist Party of Cuba. At odds during the first several years of Batista's rule, when strikes and repression were the topics of the day, the two sides eventually saw in each other a means to an end. In efforts to understand the Cuban Revolution of the late 1950's, historians often portray Batista as a dictatorial puppet of American business and policy. Contrary to this image, in his first regime (1934 until 1944), Batista presided over the creation of a nominal constitutional democracy. To do this he needed the support and good conduct of organized labor, in which the Communists could be a powerful force. In 1935 the Communist Party International, based in Moscow, adopted a shift in tactics. So as to combat fascism, the Party turned away from its traditionally isolationist line. It sought to make alliances with like-minded groups and wanted to serve in the government. In mid-1938 an agreement was reached between Batista and Party heads from which sprang a mutually beneficial alliance lasting through the first batistato. The relationship is often overlooked in Cuban historiography and many questions remain.To truly understand its significance we need more information as to origins, conditions, and consequences of the agreements. This paper explores the conditions on both sides, seeking to understand how and why the unlikely bedfellows came together. As well, it traces the relationship until the end of Batista's term in 1944, focusing on the ebb and flow of support concerning major issues of the day, such as organized labor, the constitutional assembly, the election of 1940, and involvement in World War II. Finally, this study shows how the alliance with the Communist Party is a necessary point in a full understanding of Fulgencio Batista and the era.

This article will center on the impact of the work La revolución de la independencia del Perú (Lima, 1860) by the Chilean historian Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna (Santiago, 1831-1886). It will discuss the novelty of the use of the term «revolution» in an age in which Peruvian historiography rejected the political use of that term. It will then discuss the reception of Vicuña’s work in Peruvian historiography in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In particular, it underlines the reasons why this work was not included as a supporting text in the formation of the nationalist discourse of the Peruvian state. / Este artículo se concentra en el estudio del impacto del libro La revolución de la independencia del Perú (Lima, 1860) del historiador chileno BenjamínVicuña Mackenna (Santiago, 1831-1886). Inicialmente, se discute la novedad del uso del término «revolución» por parte de este autor en una época en que lahistoriografía peruana rechazaba el uso político de aquel. A continuación, se incide en la recepción que tuvo esta obra de Vicuña por parte de la historiografía peruana de los siglos XIX y XX, señalándose los motivos de su no incorporación como texto de apoyo a la formación del discurso nacionalista del Estado peruano.

The expression ‘New Culture Movement’ was born in summer 1919, in the intersections of academic debate, political activism, media coverage and intellectual marketing strategies. I have traced the emergence of the phrase and the discourses around it, using sources like journals, newspapers, student essays, advertisements and conference protocols. The New Culture Movement was a buzzword, deployed by practically-minded but lesser-known intellectuals to promote agendas they had held long before its invention. Many notions we associate with the Movement until today already surrounded it in 1919: for example, that it was connected to the political protests of ‘May Fourth,’ and driven by star intellectuals such as Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu. But closer scrutiny reveals that the New Culture Movement and its network of associations were a construct, an amalgam of newspaper stories and intellectual marketing ploys: the connection to May Fourth was created by newspapers; the intellectuals at the periphery drew upon Hu Shi’s and Chen Duxiu’s prestige to add glamour to their own agendas. Nevertheless, the New Culture Movement shaped China’s 20th century. As only some agendas could credibly be sold as the Movement, it catalysed the plethora of competing agendas that had emerged since the 19th century to tackle the challenges of a changed world order. The New Culture Movement later became a founding myth of ‘Modern China’ and was regarded as the obvious result of global trends towards ‘modernisation,’ which visionary intellectuals recognised. But more recent literature has decentred the Movement, noted a longer history of its ideas and the careerism of its participants. I drive this point further by showing that, at the Movement’s very core, were practically-minded business and marketing strategies, deployed by numerous, lesser-known actors. It was in this way that the course for 20th-century China and one of its founding myths was set.

Between 1919 and 1934, as members of China's Guomindang (Nationalist Party) struggled to take control of and transform the country, they increasingly appropriated language and symbols associated with the fallen Qing Dynasty. At the same time, these were accompanied in party discourse by radical appeals that included strong critiques of China's past. In this they were far from unique: studies of nationalisms around the world have found them to combine appeals to the new and the old. Yet in China this combination incited particular controversy, as Guomindang members and others, wrestling with the cultural legacy of the empire, put forward powerfully radical critiques not only of the culture of the past but also of traditionalist appeals to it. The result was distinctive textual practices I term 'revolutionary traditionalism', which appropriated cultural elements of the imperial orthodoxy while reconciling these appropriations with radical language. Yet this revolutionary traditionalism could not unproblematically form a unified modern nationalist orthodoxy. Radical and traditionalist positions in regard to culture recurred through power struggles within and beyond the party. Through these struggles, by the end of the 1920s revolutionary traditionalism came to characterise the new Nationalist Government formed by Guomindang members in Nanjing. While like other nationalists Guomindang members reinvented the language and symbols to which they appealed, however, the case of Confucius shows that they could not unilaterally control these reinterpretations. The central place of Confucius in national culture was established through a process of negotiation, as groups identifying themselves as 'Confucian' petitioned the state, appropriating its own traditionalist discourse, for recognition and commemoration. Yet these Confucians, pursuing their own often religious agendas, also cast doubt on the authenticity of the state's commitment. Revolutionary traditionalism thus remained unstable, repeatedly challenged both from radical and traditionalist positions.

Cette thèse consiste en un travail sur la représentation des groupes d’âge et de leurs rapports entre eux, dans le récit de Tite-Live en s’appuyant sur une comparaison avec d’autres écrits à caractère historique datant de l’époque républicaine et du début du principat. Loin d’envisager la question de la définition de ces âges sous l’angle des différents gradus aetatum, il s’agit plutôt de se concentrer sur l’étude comparée de la vision individuelle des âges de la vie chez Tite-Live, Salluste, César, et les historiens de la République. Ce travail propose une définition de ce que nous considérons, selon les critères anthropologiques modernes, comme des catégories d’âge, en tenant compte de la disparité entre termes masculins et termes féminins, de la multiplication des termes pour désigner une même catégorie, et enfin de l’emploi de certains termes à des fins idéologiques. On s’attachera également à dresser une typologie des rapports entre les différents groupes d’âge, et à voir comment ils contribuent à structurer la vie collective en même temps que les rapports interindividuels. La représentation de ces rapports, entre idéal d’obéissance et de concorde et conflits durables, permet également d’envisager les moments d’une réflexion sur ce qui est censé caractériser la société romaine du passé. Car l’intérêt de l’étude repose aussi sur l’époque de bouleversements et de restauration à laquelle sont écrites les œuvres du corpus, où la politique du principat succède aux troubles de la fin de la République, et cherche à renouer avec les anciennes valeurs romaines. Or, ce moment de redéfinition des valeurs implique une réflexion sur ce qui les définit, et de fait une nécessaire innovation dans les définitions. Comparer les différentes représentations des âges de la vie touche alors à l’étude d’une représentation de l’organisation politique et sociale à Rome aussi bien qu’à l’étude des mentalités / The purpose of this work is to investigate the representation of age groups and their relationship in Titus Livius’s Ab Vrbe condita, through a comparison with other historical accounts dating back to the Republican period and the early Principate. This study does not examine how to define age groups by means of the different gradus aetatum, but rather focuses on the comparative study of Livy’s, Sallust’s, Caesar’s and the Roman historians’ own visions of the ages of life. It introduces a definition of what in modern anthropology terms is considered as age category, while taking into account the contrast between grammatical genders, the large number of different words for a same category, as well as the use of lexis for rhetorical purposes. It also presents a typology of the relationship between the different age groups, documenting the part they play in structuring collective life and individual interactions as well. The representation of a relationship ranging from an ideal of obedience and harmony to long-lasting conflicts allows analysing the working of a mind over what supposedly characterizes life in Ancient Rome. As a matter of fact, it is worth noticing that the text corpus of this study is written at a time rife with upheavals and restorations, when the Principate eventually replaces the troubled Roman Republic and attempts to restore its traditional values, which implies working out anew what they actually are. Therefore, comparing the different representations of the ages of life naturally merges into a representation of political and social organisation as well as a survey of mores in Ancient Rome

O presente estudo procura contribuir para a compreensão das ideias jurídico políticas da elite carioca entre 1899 e 1919, momento da História do Brasil no qual se reconstruía o espaço público através da organização das instituições republicanas. Optou-se por analisar os artigos editados na Revista da Faculdade Livre de Direito da cidade do Rio de Janeiro porque foi a primeira instituição acadêmica a oferecer o curso de Direito no Rio de Janeiro e possuía, desde sua fundação em 1891, um corpo docente composto por juristas de renome nacional como Augusto Olympio Viveiros de Castro, Francisco de Paula Lacerda de Almeida, Abelardo Saraiva da Cunha Lobo, Esmeraldino Olympio de Torres Bandeira, Carlos da Costa Ferreira Porto Carreiro, Benedicto Carneiro de Campos Valladares, entre outros. Esta escolha abriu a possibilidade de observar os motivos sociais que levaram à ampliação da demanda pelo ensino jurídico no Brasil e a legislação que indicou as diretrizes para a criação de instituições que oferecessem cursos jurídicos, acabando com a exclusividade das faculdades de São Paulo e Recife, e as obrigou a confeccionar revistas científicas voltadas para a divulgação da produção científica e debates teóricos da ciência do Direito. Pôde-se fazer um levantamento quantitativo dos temas dos artigos publicados e os organizamos por ramo do Direito, o que nos permitiu observar os temas debatidos e as principais referências teóricas que tinham os juristas que os escreveram (quase todos docentes): os livros A Evolução do Direito e O Espírito do Direito Romano nas Diversas Fases de seu Desenvolvimento, do jurista alemão Rudolf Von Ihering. Ao longo desta pesquisa poderá ser observado que as principais ideias que os juristas brasileiros assimilaram do jurista alemão foram: o direito público (representado pela autoridade e preponderância do Estado sobre a população) tem como finalidade defender o direito privado (especialmente a vida e a propriedade privada); a fonte do conhecimento do Direito e a criação de regras jurídicas (leis) não deveriam estar restritas à Filosofia do Direito e ao Direito Comparado, mas deveriam levar em conta as regras morais da sociedade, a fim de que a população sentisse justiça nas ações do Estado, contribuição essencial do Direito para a formação do Estado Nação. De um modo geral, percebeu-se que os juristas que representavam a elite carioca reunidos na Faculdade de Direito da cidade do Rio de Janeiro entendiam que o Direito não representava o espaço no qual se pensava apenas o conflito entre os indivíduos da sociedade, mas também a solução. Os conflitos sociais que ocorreram durante a República Velha (1889 1930) deveriam ser consequência de regras jurídicas ou leis concebidas de maneira errada, portanto creditavam na primazia do Estado sobre os indivíduos e imaginavam que reformas jurídicas (e não econômicas) poderiam levar à paz social. / The present study seeks to contribute to the understanding of juridical and political ideas of Rio de Janeiros élites between 1899 and 1919, moment in the history of Brazil when the State was reorganized through the articulation of the republican institutions. The choice of analyzing articles published in The Free Law School of the city of Rio de Janeiros review was made based on the fact that the school was the first academic institution to offer a law course in Rio de Janeiro and, since its founding in 1891, its faculty was composed of prominent jurists as Augusto Olympio Viveiros de Castro, Francisco de Paula Lacerda de Almeida, Abelardo Saraiva da Cunha Lobo, Esmeraldino Olympio de Torres Bandeira, Carlos da Costa Ferreira Porto Carreiro, Benedicto Carneiro de Campos Valladares, among others. These circumstances made possible the observation of the social reasons that led to the expansion of the demand for legal education in Brazil, culminating in the end of São Paulo and Recifes law school exclusiveness. The legislation related to the creation of the new law schools determined the foundation of scientific journals focused on the dissemination of scientific literature and theoretical debates of the science of law. A quantitative survey of the published articles subjects organized by area allowed to observe the main debates and theoretical references who wrote (almost all teachers): the books \"Law as a Means to an End\" and \"The Spirit of Roman Law in Different Stages of its Development\", written by the german jurist Rudolf Von Ihering. Through this research may be observed that the brazilian jurists main ideas were assimilated from Ihering: the public law (represented by the authority and prominence of the State population) aims to defend private law (especially the life and private property); the of the knowledge of law and the creation of legal rules (laws) should not be restricted to the Philosophy of Law or Comparative Law, but should accept the society moral rules, so that people feel justice in the States action, essential contribution to the science of law for the formation of the State Nation. In general, it was stated that the jurists, part of Rio de Janeiros elites joined at the Free Law School of the city of Rio de Janeiro, understood that law not only represented the conflict zone between the individuals in a society, but it could offer proper solutions. Consequently, the social conflicts that occurred during the República Velha (1889-1930) should be a consequence of rules or laws badly designed. Therefore this way of thinking was based on the primacy of the State over individuals, so that these jurists imagined that legal reforms (and non-economic reforms) could lead to social peace.

After the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, urban planning was one of the main instruments for the development of national economy. In this respect, urban plans for numerous cities and towns were prepared between 1923 and 1940 in Turkey. This thesis reveals the reflections of Republican ideology to urban planning principles. The aims of this study are to clarify the political concepts that were active in the Early Republican Period, translation of political concepts to spatial context and to reveal the relation between urban planning experiences and political ideology between 1923 and 1940 in the Republic of Turkey. For this reason, this thesis study examines the construction of Republican ideology in city space via urban planning. The construction of the Republican Revolution in city space is examined in terms of planning practices and evolution of urbanism. The examples of cities planned at that period are evaluated in the context of political ideals and planning principles that were operative in urban planning between 1923 and 1940 in Turkey.

O presente estudo procura contribuir para a compreensão das ideias jurídico políticas da elite carioca entre 1899 e 1919, momento da História do Brasil no qual se reconstruía o espaço público através da organização das instituições republicanas. Optou-se por analisar os artigos editados na Revista da Faculdade Livre de Direito da cidade do Rio de Janeiro porque foi a primeira instituição acadêmica a oferecer o curso de Direito no Rio de Janeiro e possuía, desde sua fundação em 1891, um corpo docente composto por juristas de renome nacional como Augusto Olympio Viveiros de Castro, Francisco de Paula Lacerda de Almeida, Abelardo Saraiva da Cunha Lobo, Esmeraldino Olympio de Torres Bandeira, Carlos da Costa Ferreira Porto Carreiro, Benedicto Carneiro de Campos Valladares, entre outros. Esta escolha abriu a possibilidade de observar os motivos sociais que levaram à ampliação da demanda pelo ensino jurídico no Brasil e a legislação que indicou as diretrizes para a criação de instituições que oferecessem cursos jurídicos, acabando com a exclusividade das faculdades de São Paulo e Recife, e as obrigou a confeccionar revistas científicas voltadas para a divulgação da produção científica e debates teóricos da ciência do Direito. Pôde-se fazer um levantamento quantitativo dos temas dos artigos publicados e os organizamos por ramo do Direito, o que nos permitiu observar os temas debatidos e as principais referências teóricas que tinham os juristas que os escreveram (quase todos docentes): os livros A Evolução do Direito e O Espírito do Direito Romano nas Diversas Fases de seu Desenvolvimento, do jurista alemão Rudolf Von Ihering. Ao longo desta pesquisa poderá ser observado que as principais ideias que os juristas brasileiros assimilaram do jurista alemão foram: o direito público (representado pela autoridade e preponderância do Estado sobre a população) tem como finalidade defender o direito privado (especialmente a vida e a propriedade privada); a fonte do conhecimento do Direito e a criação de regras jurídicas (leis) não deveriam estar restritas à Filosofia do Direito e ao Direito Comparado, mas deveriam levar em conta as regras morais da sociedade, a fim de que a população sentisse justiça nas ações do Estado, contribuição essencial do Direito para a formação do Estado Nação. De um modo geral, percebeu-se que os juristas que representavam a elite carioca reunidos na Faculdade de Direito da cidade do Rio de Janeiro entendiam que o Direito não representava o espaço no qual se pensava apenas o conflito entre os indivíduos da sociedade, mas também a solução. Os conflitos sociais que ocorreram durante a República Velha (1889 1930) deveriam ser consequência de regras jurídicas ou leis concebidas de maneira errada, portanto creditavam na primazia do Estado sobre os indivíduos e imaginavam que reformas jurídicas (e não econômicas) poderiam levar à paz social. / The present study seeks to contribute to the understanding of juridical and political ideas of Rio de Janeiros élites between 1899 and 1919, moment in the history of Brazil when the State was reorganized through the articulation of the republican institutions. The choice of analyzing articles published in The Free Law School of the city of Rio de Janeiros review was made based on the fact that the school was the first academic institution to offer a law course in Rio de Janeiro and, since its founding in 1891, its faculty was composed of prominent jurists as Augusto Olympio Viveiros de Castro, Francisco de Paula Lacerda de Almeida, Abelardo Saraiva da Cunha Lobo, Esmeraldino Olympio de Torres Bandeira, Carlos da Costa Ferreira Porto Carreiro, Benedicto Carneiro de Campos Valladares, among others. These circumstances made possible the observation of the social reasons that led to the expansion of the demand for legal education in Brazil, culminating in the end of São Paulo and Recifes law school exclusiveness. The legislation related to the creation of the new law schools determined the foundation of scientific journals focused on the dissemination of scientific literature and theoretical debates of the science of law. A quantitative survey of the published articles subjects organized by area allowed to observe the main debates and theoretical references who wrote (almost all teachers): the books \"Law as a Means to an End\" and \"The Spirit of Roman Law in Different Stages of its Development\", written by the german jurist Rudolf Von Ihering. Through this research may be observed that the brazilian jurists main ideas were assimilated from Ihering: the public law (represented by the authority and prominence of the State population) aims to defend private law (especially the life and private property); the of the knowledge of law and the creation of legal rules (laws) should not be restricted to the Philosophy of Law or Comparative Law, but should accept the society moral rules, so that people feel justice in the States action, essential contribution to the science of law for the formation of the State Nation. In general, it was stated that the jurists, part of Rio de Janeiros elites joined at the Free Law School of the city of Rio de Janeiro, understood that law not only represented the conflict zone between the individuals in a society, but it could offer proper solutions. Consequently, the social conflicts that occurred during the República Velha (1889-1930) should be a consequence of rules or laws badly designed. Therefore this way of thinking was based on the primacy of the State over individuals, so that these jurists imagined that legal reforms (and non-economic reforms) could lead to social peace.