The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in Mexico lost power in 2000 after controlling the governing structure for 71 years. With the old rules gone forever, the PRI needed to regroup in order to survive as a viable party. This thesis explores how the PRI went about transforming its candidate selection procedures from 2000 to 2006 in order to remain a viable political party. Since the president of Mexico made most candidate selection decisions previously, the party had no choice but to reform its procedures. What emerged was a battle for power and influence between and among the party leaders at the national level and party affiliated state governors. Those state governors sought to dominate party structures within their states as the President of the Republic once dominated the party nationally. To restore the legitimacy many in the party thought it lost, the PRI first experimented with open primaries. It eventually concluded that open primaries caused divisions, thus often hurting the party electorally. As time passed, the PRI moved away from selecting candidates through open primaries and sought to nominate unity candidates. / text

Este trabalho aborda a trajetória do Partido Revolucionário Comunista (PRC), de existência tardia relativamente às demais organizações revolucionárias brasileiras, que atuaram predominantemente, entre 1961 e 1971. Registra o seu surgimento em 1984 e discorre sobre a sua resposta às demandas da esquerda na década de 1980, frente à crise teórico-prática dos partidos revolucionários. Analisa as suas concepções, que valorizam o conhecimento e o legado leninista, especialmente no que tange à organização política. Registra sua autodissolução e indica contribuições teóricas suas à política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Para isso, descreve a conjuntura política da época, bem como o contexto da esquerda brasileira. Assinala a sua convergência em direção ao PT e às consignas petistas, com as quais estabelece afinidades inicialmente conjunturais. / This thesis discusses the Communist Revolutionary Party (PRC) history. That party arose later when compared with other Brazilian revolutionary organizations whose period of action was predominantly between 1961 and 1971. It registers PRC's inception in 1984 and discusses its response to the left's demands during 1980's, facing the theoretical and practical crisis of revolutionary parties. It analyzes PRC's views, which values Leninist knowledge and legacy, especially regarding to political organization. It registers PRC's self-dissolution and indicates its theoretical contributions to the Workers' Party (PT) policies. To do that, it describes the political situation and the Brazilian left context of that time. It notes PRC's convergence towards PT and PT slogans, establishing juncture affinities at a first moment.

Este trabalho aborda a trajetória do Partido Revolucionário Comunista (PRC), de existência tardia relativamente às demais organizações revolucionárias brasileiras, que atuaram predominantemente, entre 1961 e 1971. Registra o seu surgimento em 1984 e discorre sobre a sua resposta às demandas da esquerda na década de 1980, frente à crise teórico-prática dos partidos revolucionários. Analisa as suas concepções, que valorizam o conhecimento e o legado leninista, especialmente no que tange à organização política. Registra sua autodissolução e indica contribuições teóricas suas à política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Para isso, descreve a conjuntura política da época, bem como o contexto da esquerda brasileira. Assinala a sua convergência em direção ao PT e às consignas petistas, com as quais estabelece afinidades inicialmente conjunturais. / This thesis discusses the Communist Revolutionary Party (PRC) history. That party arose later when compared with other Brazilian revolutionary organizations whose period of action was predominantly between 1961 and 1971. It registers PRC's inception in 1984 and discusses its response to the left's demands during 1980's, facing the theoretical and practical crisis of revolutionary parties. It analyzes PRC's views, which values Leninist knowledge and legacy, especially regarding to political organization. It registers PRC's self-dissolution and indicates its theoretical contributions to the Workers' Party (PT) policies. To do that, it describes the political situation and the Brazilian left context of that time. It notes PRC's convergence towards PT and PT slogans, establishing juncture affinities at a first moment.

Este trabalho aborda a trajetória do Partido Revolucionário Comunista (PRC), de existência tardia relativamente às demais organizações revolucionárias brasileiras, que atuaram predominantemente, entre 1961 e 1971. Registra o seu surgimento em 1984 e discorre sobre a sua resposta às demandas da esquerda na década de 1980, frente à crise teórico-prática dos partidos revolucionários. Analisa as suas concepções, que valorizam o conhecimento e o legado leninista, especialmente no que tange à organização política. Registra sua autodissolução e indica contribuições teóricas suas à política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Para isso, descreve a conjuntura política da época, bem como o contexto da esquerda brasileira. Assinala a sua convergência em direção ao PT e às consignas petistas, com as quais estabelece afinidades inicialmente conjunturais. / This thesis discusses the Communist Revolutionary Party (PRC) history. That party arose later when compared with other Brazilian revolutionary organizations whose period of action was predominantly between 1961 and 1971. It registers PRC's inception in 1984 and discusses its response to the left's demands during 1980's, facing the theoretical and practical crisis of revolutionary parties. It analyzes PRC's views, which values Leninist knowledge and legacy, especially regarding to political organization. It registers PRC's self-dissolution and indicates its theoretical contributions to the Workers' Party (PT) policies. To do that, it describes the political situation and the Brazilian left context of that time. It notes PRC's convergence towards PT and PT slogans, establishing juncture affinities at a first moment.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-01-04T17:00:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 fillipeperantonimartins.pdf: 1326791 bytes, checksum: f7aad0439cc4755dac2a915a8be92c06 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-01-25T16:02:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 fillipeperantonimartins.pdf: 1326791 bytes, checksum: f7aad0439cc4755dac2a915a8be92c06 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-25T16:02:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fillipeperantonimartins.pdf: 1326791 bytes, checksum: f7aad0439cc4755dac2a915a8be92c06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-27 / FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais / A proposta desta dissertação é contribuir para a militância político-partidária que se dedica à construção de uma sociedade sem classes. Numa conjuntura que acumula desgastes às organizações políticas, como sindicatos e partidos políticos, buscamos nas acepções de Lukács elementos sobre a política, ideologia e ―momento ideal‖. Por esse viés, estudamos o marxismo clássico para adentrar na complexa discussão sobre o partido revolucionário, principal meio de universalização das lutas sociais. Com essa base teórica construída, nos voltamos ao movimento da realidade, em especial às manifestações que explodiram no Brasil em junho de 2013. Recuperando elementos objetivos e subjetivos desse ascenso, tentamos minimamente contribuir para o debate sobre a alteração ou não no momento ideal partidário, escolhendo, no caso, o Partido Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unificado (PSTU). Não temos a pretensão de afirmar que foi possível compreender o momento ideal do PSTU, pois para isso seria necessário um estudo muito mais amplo, mas nosso esforço foi no sentido de entender, pela ótica de um partido político de esquerda ativo nas principais lutas sociais do país, seus limites e possibilidades a partir do movimento da realidade. / The purpose of this dissertation is to contribute to political party activists dedicated to the construction of a classless society. In an environment that accumulates wear political organizations such as trade unions and political parties, seek the meanings of Lukács elements of politics, ideology and "ideal time". By this bias, we studied classical Marxism to enter the complex discussion of the revolutionary party, the main means of universal social struggles. With this built theoretical basis, we turn to the movement of reality, especially the demonstrations that erupted in Brazil in June 2013. Recovering objective and subjective elements of this rise, try to minimally contribute to the debate on the amendment or not in ideal party time choosing, in this case, the Unified Socialist Party of Workers (PSTU). We do not pretend to say that it was possible to understand the ideal time of the PSTU, for therefore a much larger study would be needed, but our effort was in order to understand, from the perspective of a political party active in the left main social struggles of country, its limits and possibilities from the reality

Victors do not always write history. To date our knowledge of how the Pathet Lao seized power in Laos in 1975 has been based on accounts from those who witnessed events but who were not privy to the thinking and planning behind them. After the violent fall of Cambodia and Vietnam, the slow, relatively peaceful and seemingly dilatory takeover of power they observed did not equate with the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party’s assertion that its seizure of power was due to the “creative application of Marxism-Leninism to Lao conditions”. This work attempts to determine the accuracy of the Lao Party’s claim by using LPRP documents and written and verbal accounts, which reveal the strategic thinking and tactics behind the Lao Revolution. The piecing together of information drawn from many and varied sources that were directly involved, at last sheds some light on how a small, weak movement overthrew a government almost without violence. It also reveals that the LPRP carefully and deliberately planned and executed the peaceful formation of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic in December 1975 in a revolution that was unprecedented in the history of Marxist-Leninist revolutions.

In many countries there are several political parties in power. In some of them, however, one party is in a position of hegemony. Other political parties are prevented to exercise their real power and often act only as a parties creating an illusion of democracy in a state where it does not exist. The present thesis deals with the hegemonic party systems in terms of their origin and subsequent transition. The thesis is based on the hypothesis that changing the rules of the hegemonic party will lead it to lose its status and power. As a case study of the hegemonic party regimes serves political system in Mexico, Mozambique and Cambodia. The first chapter defines the notion of a political party, party systems theory and transition mode. The second chapter deals with the hegemonic party systems. The third chapter deals with the case of Mexico and its system of hegemonic party. Findings refute the validity of the above hypothesis, since in many countries, even after the successful completion of the transition, earlier hegemonic parties maintain their power and their electoral support is high.

Après soixante-dix années au pouvoir, le Parti Révolutionnaire Institutionnel (PRI) perd les élections de 2000 au niveau national. Pourtant, si l’on peut parler d’alternance politique, il ne s’agit pas vraiment d’une transformation radicale de type de régime. Cette thèse propose un nouvel éclairage sur la question du changement politique. Au travers d’une étude biographique de personnages publics autour de l’ex-président priiste Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994), elle apporte une analyse des modalités de construction du groupe politique (1950-1979) ainsi que les mécanismes et stratégies mobilisés pour accéder au pouvoir (1979- 2000). Cette accession prend place dans un contexte de crises nationales, internationales et de déplacement de paradigmes. Les acteurs étudiés parviennent alors à « déformer » les règles d’un régime fermé, pour être à l’initiative d’un processus de « démocratisation », entendu comme la promotion des « flux d’ouverture ». Les membres du groupe politique de l'ex- président vivent, à partir des années 2000, une extraordinaire « dissémination » dans d’autres secteurs (économiques, politiques et consultants). On pourra alors identifier comment un groupe politique parvient à acquérir et conserver des fiefs de pouvoir, avant, pendant et après avoir quitté formellement le gouvernement. La thèse expose, tant du point de vue théorique qu’empirique, ce mouvement, tout à fait paradoxal, entre disparition, circulation et reproduction d’une élite. / After seventy years in power, the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI) lost the 2000 federal elections. While this could be considered as a political alternation, it does not signify a complete transformation of the political regime. This thesis proposes a new point of view on the issues of political change. Through a biographical study of the public men around the ex- president Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994), we propose an analysis of the way of constructing a Political Group (1950-1979), as well as the mechanisms and strategies used to grasp power (1979-2000). This accession took place in a particular context of national and international crises as well as a paradigms shift. These actors had succeeded to “deform” the rules of a closed regime, promoting a process of “democratization”, called the “flows of openings”. The members of this political group surrounding that president have lived, since the year 2000, an extraordinary “dissemination” in different sectors (in particular the economic, political and consulting circles). We will be able to identify how a political group obtains power fiefdoms, before, during and after it has formally left the government. This thesis focuses on this paradoxical movement between disappearance, circulation and reproduction of elites from a theoretical and empirical level. / Después de setenta años en el poder, el Partido Revolucionario Institucional pierde las elecciones en el año 2000 a nivel nacional. Por lo tanto, aunque podamos hablar de alternancia política, no se trata completamente de una transformación del tipo de régimen. Esta tesis propone un punto de vista distinto sobre la problemática acerca del cambio político. A través de un estudio biográfico de personajes públicos alrededor del ex presidente Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994), aportamos un análisis de las modalidades de construcción de un grupo político (1950-1979), así como de los mecanismos y estrategias utilizadas para acceder al poder (1979-2000). Este ascenso tiene lugar en un contexto de crisis nacionales, internacionales y de desplazamiento de paradigmas. Los actores estudiados lograrán “deformar” las reglas de un régimen cerrado, para impulsar un proceso de “democratización”, entendido como la implementación de “flujos de apertura”. Asi, los miembros del grupo político del ex presidente viven, desde el año 2000, una extraordinaria “diseminación” en distintos sectores (económicos, políticos y de consultoría). Podremos por lo tanto identificar como un grupo político logra obtener feudos de poder, antes, durante y después de haber dejado formalmente el gobierno. La tesis se enfoca tanto en el plano teórico, como empírico, sobre este movimiento paradójico, entre desaparición, circulación y reproducción de una elite.