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Ramón Corral, Vice-President of Mexico from 1904 to 1911, was a crucial figure in the fall of the Porfiriato. As a politician, he worked diligently to preserve the Díaz regime. As the heir-apparent to the presidency after Díaz's death, Corral became a symbol against whom the opponents of the dictatorship of Díaz could rally. In spite of Corral's importance, he has been ignored by post-revolutionary Mexican historians - no biography of Crral has appeared since 1910. The secondary sources for the Porfiriato are inadequate to a study of Corral's career. Therefore, research centered mostly on primary sources, chiefly those in the Colección General Porfirio Díaz (Cholula, Puebla), Mexico City Newspapers, the Corral Papers in the Centro de Estudios Históricos (Mexcio City), and the Archivo General del Estado and Archivo Histórico in Hermosillo, Sonora. The Colección General Porfirio Díaz at the University of the Americas was the most important since this depository is the most extensive collection of materials on the Porfiriato and the one used least by scholars. This essay attempts to fill some of the gaps in our knowledge of Corral's public life, especially for the period of his vice-presidency. It is divided into three parts, covering Corral's career in state and national politics and in exile. The study is basically chronological except for chapter two on Corral's role in Indian - primarily Yaqui - relations. This question was so important in Sonoran politics that a separate chapter seemed necessary.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os filmes Pueblerina, Flor Silvestre e Enamorada do diretor Emílio Fernández, consagrado cineasta mexicano. Estes são considerados os mais importantes filmes desse diretor, todos realizados na década de 1940, ele um dos mais expressivos realizadores da história do cinema mexicano. As questões político-sociais, a violência são exploradas indiretamente nesses trabalhos e evidenciar este fato nosso principal ponto de conflito com a critica de cinema tradicional que sempre caracterizou estes filmes como isentos deste tipo de conteúdo nossa intenção é recolocar os filmes no lugar de obras feitas de maneira coletiva e com fim coletivo/ social, portanto, é pertinente que a sua maneira o diretor e sua equipe tenham explorado tais problemas. / This work intends to study three movies by a Mexican director Emilio Fernández who was very famous in the forties in Mexico and Latin America with his melodramas. He is considerate one of the most expressive director in Mexico cinema history for the critics. Eanamorada, Flor Silvestre and Puebelrina are his most important movies; it is why we choose them to study. Through these movies, we will analyze politic and social problems in Mexico that the director and his staff deal with the movies. This is the most important difference between our analysis and the critics analyses.

The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in Mexico lost power in 2000 after controlling the governing structure for 71 years. With the old rules gone forever, the PRI needed to regroup in order to survive as a viable party. This thesis explores how the PRI went about transforming its candidate selection procedures from 2000 to 2006 in order to remain a viable political party. Since the president of Mexico made most candidate selection decisions previously, the party had no choice but to reform its procedures. What emerged was a battle for power and influence between and among the party leaders at the national level and party affiliated state governors. Those state governors sought to dominate party structures within their states as the President of the Republic once dominated the party nationally. To restore the legitimacy many in the party thought it lost, the PRI first experimented with open primaries. It eventually concluded that open primaries caused divisions, thus often hurting the party electorally. As time passed, the PRI moved away from selecting candidates through open primaries and sought to nominate unity candidates. / text

Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os filmes Pueblerina, Flor Silvestre e Enamorada do diretor Emílio Fernández, consagrado cineasta mexicano. Estes são considerados os mais importantes filmes desse diretor, todos realizados na década de 1940, ele um dos mais expressivos realizadores da história do cinema mexicano. As questões político-sociais, a violência são exploradas indiretamente nesses trabalhos e evidenciar este fato nosso principal ponto de conflito com a critica de cinema tradicional que sempre caracterizou estes filmes como isentos deste tipo de conteúdo nossa intenção é recolocar os filmes no lugar de obras feitas de maneira coletiva e com fim coletivo/ social, portanto, é pertinente que a sua maneira o diretor e sua equipe tenham explorado tais problemas. / This work intends to study three movies by a Mexican director Emilio Fernández who was very famous in the forties in Mexico and Latin America with his melodramas. He is considerate one of the most expressive director in Mexico cinema history for the critics. Eanamorada, Flor Silvestre and Puebelrina are his most important movies; it is why we choose them to study. Through these movies, we will analyze politic and social problems in Mexico that the director and his staff deal with the movies. This is the most important difference between our analysis and the critics analyses.

<p>This dissertation examines the political determinants of government spending across different levels of education. What are the political motivations that drive budgetary decisions on primary, secondary, and tertiary education? Who are the beneficiaries of these appropriations? Why are they capable of influencing the decisions over appropriations?</p><p>I argue that the distribution of education spending across education levels depends on the capacity of organized groups active in this sector to make their demands heard and served by governments. Better organized groups have stronger capacity to take advantage of the electoral concerns of politicians and influence their decisions on educational budgets. I provide evidence to show that, with some exceptions, the teachers' unions in the primary and secondary schools are the most influential organized group in the education sector. By taking their demands out to the streets, by capturing key positions in the education ministries, and by using their mobilization capacity in the electoral arena, teachers have made governments cater to their economic interests, rather than direct resources in ways that would enhance access to and the quality of education.</p><p>I test the theoretical arguments using an original dataset incorporating a comprehensive account of all protests, strikes, and other disruptive actions by teachers, university workers, students, and parents in Mexico between 1992 and 2008. The statistical analysis reveals that 1) states with higher levels of teachers' protests receive larger federal education grants, and that 2) subnational authorities spend more on primary and lower secondary as a consequence of the larger disruptive behavior observed in these education levels. Complementary qualitative evidence shows how the teachers' union has captured the education ministries at the federal and the subnational levels, consolidating its influence over education policy. Finally, this study reveals the teachers' union capacity to leverage their participation in electoral politics in order to defend its economic interests.</p> / Dissertation

This paper serves to further investigate factors influencing partisanship in Mexican politics with a focus on state spending and drug violence. With state spending, this paper builds on prior literature about political effects of federal social spending (Handelman 1997, Domínguez and Chappell 2004, Díaz-Cayeros 2009) to propose a similar theory regarding state social spending. The proposed panel data model for national elections between 2000 and 2012 finds that for diputados elections, a thousand-peso increase in state spending had a statistically significant influence on party voting – boosting PRI candidates (typically incumbents) by 0.66% and hurting both PAN and PRD candidates by 0.78% and 1.57% respectively. This paper also proposes an alternative theory of state spending whereby the effect comes from a linkage of spending and economic performance. With drug violence, this paper studies the importance of the Mexican Drug War on the Mexican political environment but finds no consistent party impact of instability (modeled with intentional homicide statistics) in national elections from 2000 to 2012. This paper delves into potential explanations for this finding including different effects by election, distrust of political parties, and the perception of little difference between parties. Finally, the paper outlines other responses to instability and drug violence to demonstrate approaches taken by Mexican citizens outside of the ballot box. These alternative strategies include protesting, lobbying, migration, and the rise of private security.