In this thesis I examine women's participation in the violent revolutionary organization, Weatherman/Weather Underground. My attempt is to uncover Weatherman's view of women's liberation, their differences to the women's liberation movement and examine the practices implemented. I discuss Weatherman, more generally, in the context and circumstances of their emergence from the Students for a Democratic Society in the late sixties. Influenced by popular revolutionary thinkers Weatherman declared itself and its members revolutionaries dedicated to bringing about a socialist revolution in the United States through strategies of guerilla warfare. Weatherman's insistence on revolutionary violence situated masculinity and machismo within the center of their politics and practice. Weatherman promised its female members liberation through violence and machismo in the fight for a socialist revolution. I explore Weatherman's political position on women's liberation and the result of their politics evident in autonomous women's actions and sexual practices. In addition, I contend that Weatherman's politics more generally, and women's participation in Weatherman was shaped by the cultural hegemony of masculinity, termed by Connell as hegemonic masculinity. Exploration of women's participation in political violence is important to the acknowledgment of women as agents of aggression and the gender fluidity they represent. Weatherwomen's acceptance and adoption of masculinity provides an example of gender fluidity in contexts outside of common homosexual, transgendered, or queer representations. Furthermore, varying perceptions of women's liberation during the late sixties and early seventies has yet to be explored outside of the narrow scope of the autonomous feminist movement. Women who participated in the Weatherman/Weather Underground, their politics of women's liberation and methods in which to accomplish liberation have been ignored by historians of feminism and the New Left. This thesis uncovers the politics of women's liberation in the Weatherman/ Weather Underground, through which I examine the meaning of women's liberation, methods of liberation, and the empowered and limited position of women within the Weatherman/Weather Underground.

Notre thèse porte sur la question carcérale et la gauche révolutionnaire en Italie dans les années 1970 et 1980.La question carcérale devient centrale, en Italie, à partir des années 1970 : ce sont des années de révolte et de revendications de masse, mais aussi la période des mouvements de lutte armée. À ce moment-là, l'État se retrouve confronté à un double problème : d'une part, celui de la réforme du système pénitentiaire, avec des prisons vétustes et des règlements archaïques hérités de la période fasciste, et d'autre part la montée en puissance des mouvements extra-parlementaires et de la lutte armée, qui ne cessent d'augmenter la population carcérale.Cette étude vise à analyser le rôle joué par le système carcéral pendant cette période de crise pour la jeune République italienne, et ceci selon plusieurs points de vue. Nous analysons, d'une part, le mouvement revendicatif des détenus de droit commun, qui se politisent au contact des jeunes extra-parlementaires arrêtés après leurs manifestations. D'autre part, nous étudions la montée en flèche de la violence révolutionnaire qui s'oppose à un État qui, de son côté, accroît l'intensité de la répression et met en place des mesures d'urgence pour contrer la dissidence. Cette confrontation donne naissance à une période particulièrement violente, où la prison fini par assumer une fonction de gestion du conflit politique.À travers la description d'un corpus très varié (articles de journaux, tracts, documents théoriques, documents militants de revendication, archives ministérielles, archives de l'administration pénitentiaire) mais aussi des textes historiographiques et des témoignages directs, cette étude pose la question plus générale du rôle central de l'univers carcéral, comme une véritable clé de lecture sociopolitique des années 70 et 80 italiennes. / Our thesis focuses on the prison issue and the revolutionary Left in Italy during the 1970s and 1980s.The prison question becomes central in Italy from the 1970s: these are the years of revolt and mass claims, but also the period of the armed struggle. At that time, the State faces a double problem: first, the necessary reform of the prison system, with prisons in dilapidated state and archaic regulations inherited from the fascist period ; and secondly the rise of extra-parliamentary movements and armed struggle, which are both increasing the prison population.This study aims at analyzing the part played by the prison system during this crisis period in the young Italian Republic, according to several points of view. We analyze, on the one hand, the protest movement of the common criminals who politicize themselves in contact with the young extra-parliamentary people arrested after their demonstrations. On the other hand, we study the soaring revolutionary violence that opposes the State which, in turn, increases the intensity of repression and sets up emergency measures to counter dissidence. This confrontation gives rise to a particularly violent period in which the prison finally takes up a role of political conflict management.Through the description of a varied corpus (newspaper articles, pamphlets, theoretical documents, activists claim, ministerial archives, archives of the prison administration) as well as historical texts and eyewitness accounts, this study raises the more general question of the prison system as a central key to sociopolitical reading of the Italian Seventies and Eighties.

In Is Spirituality an Intelligence? Motivation, Cognition, and the concern of Psychology of Ultimate Concern, Robert Emmons develops a case for spirituality as a form of intelligence. His thesis claims that spiritual intelligence is a “set of capacities and abilities that enable people to solve problems and attain goals in their everyday lives”: “the capacity for transcendence; the ability to enter into heightened spiritual states of consciousness; the ability to invest everyday activities, events, and relationships with a sense of the sacred; the ability to utilize spiritual resources to solve problems in living; and the capacity to engage in virtuous behavior. I use spiritual intelligence and these frameworks throughout to address these common themes within the Black community beginning in the Second Great Awakening. I use these five components to illuminate the rise of the revolutionary streams of Spiritual Intelligence within unique works of two Black activists: David Walker and Maria Stewart. I then contextualize these developments in the experiences of my family and my own experiences as a Black activist. I argue for the recognition of religious thinking and illustrate the structural embodiment of this form of spiritual intelligence through multiple generations of Black Activism. I argue that Spiritual Intelligence is one way this particular community fights adversity in greater America society. In valuing religion through understanding these actions of resistance black activism is realized in the larger epistemic landscape. Particularly arguing against the secularization of resistance and activism.