Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Murilo Mesquita Melo e Silva.pdf: 1437705 bytes, checksum: 8630b67ecc67f546ecd416e32a7434d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-01 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This Dissertation aims to analysis the formation and utilization of state taxonomies weak states and rogue states, according to their political instrumentalization. The hypothesis is that happened a conceptual and taxonomic restructuring from weak to rogue states since the securitization of underdevelopment of the weak states and of political instrumentalization of rogue states taxonomy. The analysis of hypothesis is based on postcolonial approaches as theoric-methodologic substratum. In analysis of weak states the aim is to contextualize the beginning of construction of this taxonomy, since of underdevelopment securitization process. In analysis of rogue states the aim is verified the process of construction of rogue taxonomy and how maintains this process itself. As final considerations, there is not a conceptual and taxonomic restructuring so unanimous. If the assumptions of Rational Modern State were accepted, some States may be considered weak, but not rogue, while another may be called rogue, but not weak. It was found, however, the political exploitation of state's taxonomies, according to the diagnoses made by outside actors of state to be cataloged, especially by the United States. / Essa dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a formação e utilização das taxonomias estatais weak states e rogue states à luz da instrumentalização política das mesmas. A hipótese é que houve uma reestruturação conceitual e taxonômica dos weak para rogue states a partir da securitização do subdesenvolvimento dos weak states e da instrumentalização política da taxonomia rogue states. Na análise da hipótese foram utilizadas as abordagens pós-coloniais como substrato teórico-metodológico. Na análise dos weak states o objetivo é contextualizar o início do processo de construção da taxonomia weak, desde o processo de securitização do subdesenvolvimento. Na análise dos rogue states o objetivo é verificar o processo de construção dessa taxonomia e como ela se sustenta. Por fim, considera-se que não há uma reestruturação conceitual e taxonômica de forma unânime. Se, se aceitar as premissas do Estado Racional Moderno, alguns Estados podem ser considerados weak, mas não rogue, enquanto outros podem ser rogue, mas não weak. O que se verifica, no entanto, é a instrumentalização política das taxonomias, segundo os diagnósticos elaborados por atores externos ao Estado a ser catalogado, principalmente pelos Estados Unidos.

This thesis analyzes the dynamics of bilateral relationship between the United States of America and Syrian Arab Republic from Hafez Asad&rsquo / s grasp of power in 1970 to the latest domestic uprising of 2011. The relationship will be considered under three main vectors / struggle over Lebanon, tensions regarding peace process and Israel, and rogue statehood of Syria attributed by the United States.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-05-07T20:39:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Murilo Mesquita Melo e Silva.pdf: 46412607 bytes, checksum: ee09611d76ad0dbbfe935355448b9f56 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T20:39:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Murilo Mesquita Melo e Silva.pdf: 46412607 bytes, checksum: ee09611d76ad0dbbfe935355448b9f56 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-01 / CAPES / This Dissertation aims to analysis the formation and utilization of state taxonomies weak states and rogue states, according to their political instrumentalization. The hypothesis is that happened a conceptual and taxonomic restructuring from weak to rogue states since the securitization of underdevelopment of the weak states and of political instrumentalization of rogue states taxonomy. The analysis of hypothesis is based on postcolonial approaches as theoric-methodologic substratum. In analysis of weak states the aim is to contextualize the beginning of construction of this taxonomy, since of underdevelopment securitization process. In analysis of rogue states the aim is verified the process of construction of rogue taxonomy and how maintains this process itself. As final considerations, there is not a conceptual and taxonomic restructuring so unanimous. If the assumptions of Rational Modern State were accepted, some States may be considered weak, but not rogue, while another may be called rogue, but not weak. It was found, however, the political exploitation of state's taxonomies, according to the diagnoses made by outside actors of state to be cataloged, especially by the United States. / Essa dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a formação e utilização das taxonomias estatais weak states e rogue states à luz da instrumentalização política das mesmas. A hipótese é que houve uma reestruturação conceitual e taxonômica dos weak para rogue states a partir da securitização do subdesenvolvimento dos weak states e da instrumentalização política da taxonomia rogue states. Na análise da hipótese foram utilizadas as abordagens pós-coloniais como substrato teórico-metodológico. Na análise dos weak states o objetivo é contextualizar o início do processo de construção da taxonomia weak, desde o processo de securitização do subdesenvolvimento. Na análise dos rogue states o objetivo é verificar o processo de construção dessa taxonomia e como ela se sustenta. Por fim, considera-se que não há uma reestruturação conceitual e taxonômica de forma unânime. Se, se aceitar as premissas do Estado Racional Moderno, alguns Estados podem ser considerados weak, mas não rogue, enquanto outros podem ser rogue, mas não weak. O que se verifica, no entanto, é a instrumentalização política das taxonomias, segundo os diagnósticos elaborados por atores externos ao Estado a ser catalogado, principalmente pelos Estados Unidos.

Master thesis deals with the concept of "rogue states" and strategies of the United States that are used towards rogue states. Concretely, attention is focused on two such labeled countries - Iran and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Strategies used by the United States are further observed during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama and with regard to two typical characteristics of rogue states - effort to acquire weapons of mass destruction and the support of terrorism. Despite expectations, it appears that strategies used by the United States differ significantly and they are often influenced by historical experiences and strategic interests. Bush's and Obama's foreign policies were significantly different on the rhetorical level. However, as shown in the thesis there can be found certain continuities between the strategies towards rogue states.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The United States of America (USA) has a new president in the White House - a president whose rhetoric appears to distance himself from the policies of the previous administration. This also appears to hold true for his approach with regard to nuclear nonproliferation. The overarching research aim of this study is to explore whether the Obama administration’s policy with regard to nuclear non-proliferation will differ significantly from that of the Bush administration. The broader subject of nuclear non-proliferation will be subdivided into three themes, namely: disarmament, proliferation by non-nuclear states and nuclear terrorism. In order to sketch the international context within which the USA’s policy must be viewed, an overview of the nuclear non-proliferation regime is provided. This will be followed by an exploration of disarmament, proliferation by nonnuclear states (with Iran and North Korea as case studies) and nuclear terrorism. In each case, a comparison between the Bush administration and the Obama administration’s policies will be done. Finally, an analysis will be done of the main similarities and differences between the two administrations’ approaches, with a focus on the use of hard, soft and smart power. The study concludes that the primary difference between the Bush and Obama administration’s approaches is that Bush pursued only one policy option (hard power) at a time, while Obama intends to use many different policy options (smart power) at the same time, with a focus on increasing the use of soft power. This sort of pragmatism may just be what the USA needs right now in order to address the problem of nuclear proliferation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigte State van Amerika (VSA) het ‘n nuwe president in die Withuis – ‘n president wie se uitsprake hom van die beleide van die vorige administrasie blyk te distansieer. Dit wil ook voorkom asof dit van toepassing is op sy benadering tot kernwapen versperring. Die oorhoofse navorsingsdoelwit van hierdie studie is om te ondersoek of die Obama administrasie se beleid ten opsigte van kernwapen versperring aansienlik van die van die Bush administrasie gaan verskil. Die breër onderwerp van kernwapen versperring kan in drie temas opgedeel word, naamlik: ontwapening, proliferasie deur nie-kernwapenstate, en kernwapen terrorisme. Ten einde die internasionale konteks te skets waarin die VSA se beleid moet geskied, begin die studie met ‘n oorsig van die kernwapen versperring regime. Dit word gevolg deur ‘n ondersoek van onderskeidelik ontwapening, proliferasie deur nie-kernwapenstate (met Iran en Noord-Korea as gevallestudies) en kernwapen terrorisme. By elkeen van die drie temas word ‘n vergelyking tussen die Bush administrasie en die Obama adminstrasie se beleide getref. Laastens word ‘n analise van die hoof verskille en ooreenkomste tussen die twee administrasies se benaderings onderneem, met die klem op die gebruik van harde, sagte en slim mag. Die bevinding van die studie is dat die hoof verskille tussen die Bush en Obama administrasies se benaderings behels dat Bush slegs een beleidsopsie (harde mag) op ‘n slag nagevolg het, terwyl Obama beoog om terselfdertyd van verskillende beleidsopsies (slim mag) gebruik te maak, met veral ‘n fokus op ‘n toename in die gebruik van sagte mag. Die soort pragmatisme mag dalk net wees wat die VSA tans nodig het om die probleem van kernwapen proliferasie aan te spreek.