Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:22:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Murilo Mesquita Melo e Silva.pdf: 1437705 bytes, checksum: 8630b67ecc67f546ecd416e32a7434d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-01 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This Dissertation aims to analysis the formation and utilization of state taxonomies weak states and rogue states, according to their political instrumentalization. The hypothesis is that happened a conceptual and taxonomic restructuring from weak to rogue states since the securitization of underdevelopment of the weak states and of political instrumentalization of rogue states taxonomy. The analysis of hypothesis is based on postcolonial approaches as theoric-methodologic substratum. In analysis of weak states the aim is to contextualize the beginning of construction of this taxonomy, since of underdevelopment securitization process. In analysis of rogue states the aim is verified the process of construction of rogue taxonomy and how maintains this process itself. As final considerations, there is not a conceptual and taxonomic restructuring so unanimous. If the assumptions of Rational Modern State were accepted, some States may be considered weak, but not rogue, while another may be called rogue, but not weak. It was found, however, the political exploitation of state's taxonomies, according to the diagnoses made by outside actors of state to be cataloged, especially by the United States. / Essa dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a formação e utilização das taxonomias estatais weak states e rogue states à luz da instrumentalização política das mesmas. A hipótese é que houve uma reestruturação conceitual e taxonômica dos weak para rogue states a partir da securitização do subdesenvolvimento dos weak states e da instrumentalização política da taxonomia rogue states. Na análise da hipótese foram utilizadas as abordagens pós-coloniais como substrato teórico-metodológico. Na análise dos weak states o objetivo é contextualizar o início do processo de construção da taxonomia weak, desde o processo de securitização do subdesenvolvimento. Na análise dos rogue states o objetivo é verificar o processo de construção dessa taxonomia e como ela se sustenta. Por fim, considera-se que não há uma reestruturação conceitual e taxonômica de forma unânime. Se, se aceitar as premissas do Estado Racional Moderno, alguns Estados podem ser considerados weak, mas não rogue, enquanto outros podem ser rogue, mas não weak. O que se verifica, no entanto, é a instrumentalização política das taxonomias, segundo os diagnósticos elaborados por atores externos ao Estado a ser catalogado, principalmente pelos Estados Unidos.

<p>The main aim of this study is to investigate which structural ideas that lies behind the European Union’s marine operation Atalanta that has been put into motion to counteract piracy and robbery outside the coast of Somalia. In order to do this, we have with the use of the theory of weak states, intervention as well as sovereignty, investigated EU’s document in the question with the use of the idea centered analytical method. The questions that has guided this study, lies both on an empirical and theoretical level. On the basis of a theoretical perspective we have investigatet how the principle of sovereignty and thoughts on intervention affects the international community’s handling of the potential problems in weak states. On the empirical level we investigated which conceptions and structural ideas that can explain EU’s strategy in the set up and execution of operation Atalanta.</p><p>The study sowed that the humanitarian ideal is the most prominent idea behind this operation. It also showed that there is a realistic view behind the operation. This view means that one always ought to win something on every operation one executes. Further more, we noticed that the principle of sovereignty ever since the Cold War had to stand back in favor of humanitarian interventions. This can be explained by the fact that human rights has become a stronger ideal. However, the question regarding when it is right and who has he right to intervene is still an object of discussion on both a theoretical level and from case to case.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>intervention, weak states, sovereignty, Somlia, Atalanta, EU<strong> </strong></p>

The purpose of this study is to understand the causes of the Sierra Leonean conflict and to analyse the reconstruction programmes that followed it. Post-war reconstruction programmes must not be limited to the re-joining of families or reintegration of communities. It must also go a long way in providing an improved situation for all those affected by the war. Notably, where post-war reconstruction programmes fail to focus on the original causes of the conflict, it may result in reinforcement of the original social structures and prejudices and in continued marginalisation of certain groups. Using post-conflict Sierra Leone as a case study, the study attempts to examine the notion that ¿post-war reconstruction programmes tend to reinforce earlier social structures and prejudices rather than create opportunities for the previously marginalised¿. The work focuses on the role of the Department for International Development (DfID)-funded Community Reintegration Programme (CRP). Considering the Sierra Leone post-war scenarios, the causes and political resolution of the conflict and the situation in 2001 when the conflict officially came to an end, the thesis reviews the philosophy, planning, policies, practices and activities of donor agencies in general and CRP in particular before assessing impact on the process of rebuilding communities in Sierra Leone.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-05-07T20:39:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Murilo Mesquita Melo e Silva.pdf: 46412607 bytes, checksum: ee09611d76ad0dbbfe935355448b9f56 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T20:39:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Murilo Mesquita Melo e Silva.pdf: 46412607 bytes, checksum: ee09611d76ad0dbbfe935355448b9f56 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-01 / CAPES / This Dissertation aims to analysis the formation and utilization of state taxonomies weak states and rogue states, according to their political instrumentalization. The hypothesis is that happened a conceptual and taxonomic restructuring from weak to rogue states since the securitization of underdevelopment of the weak states and of political instrumentalization of rogue states taxonomy. The analysis of hypothesis is based on postcolonial approaches as theoric-methodologic substratum. In analysis of weak states the aim is to contextualize the beginning of construction of this taxonomy, since of underdevelopment securitization process. In analysis of rogue states the aim is verified the process of construction of rogue taxonomy and how maintains this process itself. As final considerations, there is not a conceptual and taxonomic restructuring so unanimous. If the assumptions of Rational Modern State were accepted, some States may be considered weak, but not rogue, while another may be called rogue, but not weak. It was found, however, the political exploitation of state's taxonomies, according to the diagnoses made by outside actors of state to be cataloged, especially by the United States. / Essa dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a formação e utilização das taxonomias estatais weak states e rogue states à luz da instrumentalização política das mesmas. A hipótese é que houve uma reestruturação conceitual e taxonômica dos weak para rogue states a partir da securitização do subdesenvolvimento dos weak states e da instrumentalização política da taxonomia rogue states. Na análise da hipótese foram utilizadas as abordagens pós-coloniais como substrato teórico-metodológico. Na análise dos weak states o objetivo é contextualizar o início do processo de construção da taxonomia weak, desde o processo de securitização do subdesenvolvimento. Na análise dos rogue states o objetivo é verificar o processo de construção dessa taxonomia e como ela se sustenta. Por fim, considera-se que não há uma reestruturação conceitual e taxonômica de forma unânime. Se, se aceitar as premissas do Estado Racional Moderno, alguns Estados podem ser considerados weak, mas não rogue, enquanto outros podem ser rogue, mas não weak. O que se verifica, no entanto, é a instrumentalização política das taxonomias, segundo os diagnósticos elaborados por atores externos ao Estado a ser catalogado, principalmente pelos Estados Unidos.

Scholars find that compellence and coercion tend to fail even when done by strong states against weaker states. Research suggests that such failure primarily rests with the initiator and that the target is successful. Does this mean that the weaker states have found the means to withstand threats? This study investigates compellence from the view of the target of such threats. In this study, we investigate resistance to compellence and their outcome by testing factors resting in both the initiator of threats and the target. We find that compellence does indeed tend to fail but so do attempts at resisting such threats. Furthermore, the study finds that the outcome of compellent threats is not dependent on the investigated factors in the initiator and the target. The study also proposes that the most common outcome of compellent threat situations is one where both parties fail to reach their preferred outcome.

No description available.

The literature on the capabilities of weak states to withstand pressure from strong states suggests that more often than not, weaker states tend to give into the stronger power. What are the motivating factors that enable weak states to withstand pressure from strong states? To ensure that the International Criminal Court (ICC) does not gain jurisdiction over its nationals, the United States is currently seeking to sign Bilateral Immunity Agreements (BIAs) with all countries under the rubric of the American Servicemembers' Protection Act. This thesis examines through a comparative case study analysis how a number of African Countries are able to withstand the pressure to sign a BIA by taking advantage of internal and external institutional structures and mechanisms. It also fills a gap in the literature by examining one regions response to the BIAs relative to the U.S. position concerning the ICC.

This paper focuses on the foreign policy behavior and strategy of weak and small states in the international system. Further, it explains the behavior and strategies employed by those states by examining several concepts and theories and applying them on the case of Nepal. In a realist world and among states that are most interested in their own integrity and survival, and partly in maximizing their power, weak and small states like Nepal try to keep a neutral position between all actors, try to maintain and extend bilateral relations to the immediate neighbors and other actors in the international system, and further integrate themselves into regional and international frameworks to secure their survival. Because they are the most vulnerable actors, the study of those states and their behavior and strategies is both interesting and compelling. Methodologically, this paper employs interviews as the main source of data and additionally peruses the foreign policy reports of Nepal from the last five years (2015-2019). The data is being analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. After studying the case and its implications, the author suggests that especially geographic patterns are important to understand the foreign policy of weak and small states, and further neutrality and bilateral as well as multilateral relations are indispensable for those actors to secure their integrity and survival in the international system.

This thesis presents a comprehensive study of Kyrgyz foreign policy from the early 1990s to 2011. It seeks to answer the following research question: how and to what extent does regime security affect Kyrgyz foreign policymaking? In so doing, this work aims to contribute to the understanding of Central Asian politics and the foreign policy sources of weak states across the post-Soviet space. The underlying theme of this dissertation is centred on the question whether neorealist or constructivist traditions provide a more in-depth account of the erratic Kyrgyz foreign policymaking. Notwithstanding a myriad of studies on weak states, the analysis of their foreign policies is limited and mostly characterised by idiosyncratic, reductionist and great power approaches. In this respect, an interpretive and inductive framework integrative of both internal and external variables and with properly contextualised causal mechanisms may explain the international behaviour of weak states in broader and more genuine terms. Thus, the puzzle to be resolved is whether the concepts of rent-seeking and virtual politics can either substitute for or complement the New Great Game narratives in the context of weak states in general and Kyrgyzstan in particular.

The main aim of this study is to investigate which structural ideas that lies behind the European Union’s marine operation Atalanta that has been put into motion to counteract piracy and robbery outside the coast of Somalia. In order to do this, we have with the use of the theory of weak states, intervention as well as sovereignty, investigated EU’s document in the question with the use of the idea centered analytical method. The questions that has guided this study, lies both on an empirical and theoretical level. On the basis of a theoretical perspective we have investigatet how the principle of sovereignty and thoughts on intervention affects the international community’s handling of the potential problems in weak states. On the empirical level we investigated which conceptions and structural ideas that can explain EU’s strategy in the set up and execution of operation Atalanta. The study sowed that the humanitarian ideal is the most prominent idea behind this operation. It also showed that there is a realistic view behind the operation. This view means that one always ought to win something on every operation one executes. Further more, we noticed that the principle of sovereignty ever since the Cold War had to stand back in favor of humanitarian interventions. This can be explained by the fact that human rights has become a stronger ideal. However, the question regarding when it is right and who has he right to intervene is still an object of discussion on both a theoretical level and from case to case.   Key words: intervention, weak states, sovereignty, Somlia, Atalanta, EU