The subject for this thesis is to examine the portrayal of the local farmer in four different museums in Scania. The purpose is to examine these two questions:1.Which narrative and museal strategies are used in the portrayal of the local farmer by the local history societies?2.How do the actors of the local societies relate to the living conditions and hierarchies of the rural society of Scania?The source material consists of guided tours and text material from the museums. The theoretical fields consists of history culture, use of history, historical narrative, museology and rural science act as our theoretical fields. Peter Aronsson, Anna Eskilsson and Maria Björkroth act as our main theoretical framework.Our research presents two central discourses in the portrayal of the local farmer. The stories that we have identified in our results are those of success, of exhibitionistic value. Stories that carry elements of success and exhibitionistic value are both desirable and displayed. The stories portrayed are also neglecting the gender aspect. They are genderblind.The local history societies of Scania in the year of 2014 could be seen as museal activities focused more on conservation and nostalgia than on activities aimed at new visitors and the challenges of the present day.

Le personnage s'inscrit dans l'histoire de la seconde Maison de Vienne (depuis le milieu du XIIIe siècle), issue des comteséponymes, peu étudiée. Les diverses branches furent animées par quelques personnagesprestigieux, comme Jean de Vienne, amiral de France. Trois faits : la mort de l'amiral(Nicopolis, 1396), le fabuleux héritage de son frère Huguenin, et une robuste santé, permirentà Guillaume de s'affirmer comme "chef " de la Maison de Vienne. Il se distingua par unservice multiforme (militaire, diplomatique, de conseil) auprès des ducs de BourgognePhilippe le Hardi, Jean sans Peur et Philippe le Bon, de 1379 à sa mort, et par une gestionavisée de son immense patrimoine terrien, dans le Duché (presque toute la Bresselouhannaise ; Arc-en-Barrois ; sans doute le premier revenu domanial duchois), et dans leComté, auquel il faut ajouter deux hôtels, à Dijon et à Paris. Olivier de La Marche propagea larenommée de Guillaume de Vienne "le Grand" et "le Sage". Ses deux épouses successives lefirent entrer dans des familles prestigieuses : Thoire-Villars (alliée aux comtes de Genève) etles Dauphins d'Auvergne. Sur les champs de bataille et comme diplomate, le "sire de SaintGeorge" connut la gloire et la célébrité : de l'Ecosse à Mahdia (en l'actuelle Tunisie), de laNormandie à Milan, il s'affirma comme un haut cadre de l'Etat bourguignon en gestation.Comblé d'honneurs par les Ducs ( ordre de l'Arbre d'or en 1403, premier nommé chevalier del'ordre de la Toison d'or en 1430), recevant la plus forte pension ( 3000 francs/an), intime deces souverains, il fut aussi un membre actif du Grand conseil royal et gouverneur des deuxBourgognes ; il s'illustra à la croisade (Mahdia, 1390), au service de l'Eglise (familier deClément VII ; chef de l'ambassade bourguignonne au concile de Constance (1415) ;bienfaiteur de Colette de Corbie pour la fondation de plusieurs couvents) et fut le dernierBourguignon auquel s'adressa Jean sans Peur sur le pont de Montereau (1419). Sa secondeépouse lui donna un fils, lui aussi prénommé Guillaume, et seigneur de Saint-Georges et deSainte-Croix à la mort de son père – ce qui a posé problème à plus d'un historien. Cepersonnage, pourvu d'une solide formation, militaire mais aussi intellectuelle (envoyé en"Allemagne" pour y apprendre la langue), connut une foudroyante ascension, du vivant de sonpère, au service de Jean sans Peur puis de Philippe le Bon. Non moins foudroyante fut, dès1440, la dilapidation du patrimoine mobilier et immobilier du "sire de Saint-George" par lenouveau Guillaume de Vienne et son fils Jean, lesquels menèrent, semble-t-il, une viedissolue, et tombèrent dans les rets de multiples profiteurs, au premier chef les "légistes etgens de finances". Marguerite de Vienne, une soeur de Jean, fut bien près d'épouser le comted'Eu, beau-frère de Philippe le Bon. Elle s'unit à Rodolphe de Hochberg, issu d'une puissantefamille de Forêt Noire, et devenu comte de Neuchâtel en succession de son cousin Jean,comte de Fribourg et maréchal de Bourgogne. Marguerite et Rodolphe unirent leurs efforts etparvinrent à reconstituer une bonne partie du patrimoine seigneurial de "Guillaume de Viennele Grand", qu'ils transmirent à leur fils Philippe, célèbre par ses états de service auprès deCharles le Téméraire puis de Louis XI. La fille de Philippe, Jeanne de Hochberg, par sonmariage apporta l'héritage à la famille d'Orléans-Longueville. D'autres branches "Vienne"s'éteignirent, mais une semblable étude permettrait de sortir de l'ombre des personnages decette Maison, comme Guillaume de Vienne, seigneur de Montby et de Montbis (décédé en1471), les Vienne seigneurs de Listenois (Bourbonnais), sans oublier Girard (mort en 1545),seigneur de Commarin, fondateur de la chapelle de Vienne en la Sainte-Chapelle de Dijon. / The character fits into the history of the Second House Vienna (since the mid-thirteenth century), from the countseponymous little studied. The various branches were animated by some famous characterslike Jean de Vienne, admiral of France. Three facts: the death of Admiral (Nicopolis, 1396),the fabulous legacy of his brother Huguenin, and robust health, allowed William to assertitself as "leader" of the House of Vienna. He distinguished himself by service multiforme(military, diplomatic, counseling) from the Dukes of Burgundy, Philip the Bold, John theFearless and Philip the Good, from 1379 to his death, and by careful management of hisimmense estates with the Duchy (almost all Bresse louhannaise; Arc-en-Barrois, probably thefirst Income duchois lands), and the county, which must be added two hotels in Dijon andParis. Olivier de la Marche spread the fame of Guillaume de Vienne "Grand" and "wisdom."His two successive wives brought him into prestigious families: Thoire-Villars (allied to theCounts of Geneva) and Dolphins Auvergne. On the battlefield and as a diplomat, the "lord ofSaint George" achieved fame and stardom: from Scotland to Mahdia (in present-day Tunisia),from Normandy to Milan, he established himself as a high part of the Burgundian State ingestation. Loaded with honors by the Dukes (order of the Golden Tree in 1403, the firstknight of the Order of the Golden Fleece in 1430), receiving the highest pension (3000 francs/ year), intimate the sovereign, he was also an active member of the Grand Council of Royaland Governor of the two Burgundies, he distinguished himself in the Crusades (Mahdia,1390), in the service of the Church (familiar Clement VII head of the embassy Burgundy theCouncil of Constance (1415), benefactor of Colette of Corbie to the founding of severalmonasteries) and was the last Bourguignon which John the Fearless spoke on the bridge ofMontereau (1419). His second wife bore him a son, also named William, and lord of Saint-Georges and St. Croix in the death of his father - which was a problem in more than onehistorian. This character provided a solid background, but also military intellectual (sent in"Germany" to learn the language), had a startling rise in the lifetime of his father, in theservice of John the Fearless and Philip the Good. No less startling was from 1440, thesquandering of movable and immovable property of the "Comte de Saint-George" the newGuillaume de Vienne and his son John, who led, it seems, a dissolute life, and fell into thesnares of multiple riders, primarily the "forensic people and finances." Vienna Marguerite,sister of John, was very close to marrying the Count of Eu, brother of Philip the Good. Shejoins Rudolph Hochberg, from a powerful family in the Black Forest, and became Count ofNeuchâtel in succession to his cousin John, Count of Burgundy and Marshal of Fribourg.Marguerite and Rudolf joined forces and managed to rebuild much of the stately heritage"Guillaume Grand Vienna", they transmitted to their son Philippe, famous for his service toCharles the Bold and Louis XI. Philippe's daughter, Jeanne de Hochberg, by his marriagebrought the family legacy of Orleans-Longueville. Other branches "Vienna" went out, butsuch a study would emerge from the shadows of the characters in this House, as Guillaume deVienne, lord of Montby and Montbis (d. 1471), the Vienna lords Listenois (Bourbonnais),without forgetting Girard (d. 1545), lord of Commarin, founder of the Vienna Chapel of theSainte-Chapelle in Dijon

On January 31, 1911, the Homemakers' Clubs of Saskatchewan became an official organisation under the direction of the University of Saskatchewan. Established to provide isolated rural women with companionship, access to education, and the opportunity to carry out community service, Homemakers' Clubs appealed to thousands of farm women because they provided the means by which they could improve themselves, their farm homes, and their communities. Its appeal also lay in the fact that the organisation remained non-political and non-sectarian, focusing instead on women's primary responsibilities to their homes and their families. To that end, Homemakers' Clubs embraced a domestic ideology that institionalised notions of gender and celebrated women's roles in the home. Given that the nature of farm women's work was not restricted to the household, however, Homemakers' Clubs allowed rural women to redefine an urban domesticity to include their farming responsibilities. Moreover, in a setting where gender lines were often blurred and the division of labour was not always strictly defined, membership in an organisation that reinforced gender roles, promoted family and community life, and embraced a traditional mandate provided farm women with a level of respectability and femininity that was often lost in a farming setting. Finally, the domestic ideology under which the Homemakers' Clubs operated allowed its members to find recognition and validation in their work, and, in their goals to elevate home life, to legitimise their work, and to adjust domestic ideology to include their farming responsibilities, the organisation became a space in which its members discussed, debated, explored, and, in some cases, challenged common perceptions of women; they subtly challenged the status quo and demanded validation and recognition for their work in and contributions to their farms and communities. As such, an organisation that may outwardly appear to be a traditional women's organisation devoted strictly to the exchange of recipes and household advice, was, in actuality, quietly political and provided farm women with a sense of identity that enabled them to contribute fundamentally to their rural homes, families, and communities.

On January 31, 1911, the Homemakers' Clubs of Saskatchewan became an official organisation under the direction of the University of Saskatchewan. Established to provide isolated rural women with companionship, access to education, and the opportunity to carry out community service, Homemakers' Clubs appealed to thousands of farm women because they provided the means by which they could improve themselves, their farm homes, and their communities. Its appeal also lay in the fact that the organisation remained non-political and non-sectarian, focusing instead on women's primary responsibilities to their homes and their families. To that end, Homemakers' Clubs embraced a domestic ideology that institionalised notions of gender and celebrated women's roles in the home. Given that the nature of farm women's work was not restricted to the household, however, Homemakers' Clubs allowed rural women to redefine an urban domesticity to include their farming responsibilities. Moreover, in a setting where gender lines were often blurred and the division of labour was not always strictly defined, membership in an organisation that reinforced gender roles, promoted family and community life, and embraced a traditional mandate provided farm women with a level of respectability and femininity that was often lost in a farming setting. Finally, the domestic ideology under which the Homemakers' Clubs operated allowed its members to find recognition and validation in their work, and, in their goals to elevate home life, to legitimise their work, and to adjust domestic ideology to include their farming responsibilities, the organisation became a space in which its members discussed, debated, explored, and, in some cases, challenged common perceptions of women; they subtly challenged the status quo and demanded validation and recognition for their work in and contributions to their farms and communities. As such, an organisation that may outwardly appear to be a traditional women's organisation devoted strictly to the exchange of recipes and household advice, was, in actuality, quietly political and provided farm women with a sense of identity that enabled them to contribute fundamentally to their rural homes, families, and communities.

Deep anthropogenic topsoils – those augmented through long-term additions of mineral bulk among fertilising agents – retain in both their physical and chemical make-up significant indicators for cultural activity. This project researched the geographical distribution and historical context of deep anthropogenic topsoils in Scotland and the Isles, and used this information to investigate the impact of current land cover upon the cultural information they retain. In so doing, the project investigated the potential for conservation of this significant cultural resource. A review of the historical information available on agricultural and manuring practices for Scotland identified several factors likely to affect deep topsoil distribution and frequency. These were: the availability of bulk manures to Scottish farmers, the significance of the seaweed resource in determining fertiliser strategies in coastal areas, and the influence of urban settlement and associated patterns of domestic and industrial waste disposal on the location of deep topsoils. Evidence for widespread deep topsoil development was limited. The primary data source used – the First Statistical Account of Scotland – was manipulated into a spatial database in ArcView GIS, to which geographical data from the Soil Survey of Scotland and national archaeological survey databases were added. This was used to devise a survey programme aiming both to investigate the potential factors affecting soil development listed above, and to locate deep topsoil sites for analysis. Three sites were identified with deep topsoils under different cover types (woodland, arable and pasture). The urban-influenced context of two of these highlighted the significance of urban settlement to the location of Scottish deep topsoils. Analysis of pH, organic matter, and total phosphorus content showed a correlation between raised organic matter and a corresponding increase in phosphorus content in soils under permanent vegetation. By contrast, soils under arable cultivation showed no such rise. This was attributed to the action of cropping in removing modern organic inputs prior to down-profile cycling. The potential for pasture and woodland cover to affect relict soil signatures was therefore observed. Thin section analysis aimed to both provide micromorphological characterisation of the three deep topsoil sites and investigate the effect of modern land cover on micromorphological indicators. Distinctive differences in micromorphological character were observed between the rural and urban deep topsoils, with the latter showing a strong focus on carbonised fuel residues and industrial wastes. All sites showed a highly individual micromorphological character, reflective of localised fertilising systems. There was no correlation between land cover type and survival of material indictors for anthropogenic activity, with soil cultural indicators surviving well, particularly those characteristic of urban-influenced topsoils. Suggestions for preservation strategies for this potentially rare and highly localised cultural resource included the incorporation of deep anthropogenic topsoil conservation into current government policy relating to care of the rural historic environment, and the improvement of data on the resource through ongoing survey and excavation.