Thèse (M.Ps.)--Université Laval, 2004. / Bibliogr.: p. 30-38. Publié aussi en version électronique.

Au cœur des temporalités urbaines, les horaires de travail rythment les pulsations des activités et mobilités quotidiennes. C'est pourquoi nous interrogeons la possibilité d’échelonner les horaires d’embauche pour atténuer la saturation des transports à l’heure de pointe du matin. Les réponses habituellement privilégiées s’appuient sur des considérations d’ordre technique : c’est l’entreprise qui contraint les salariés à se déplacer au même moment. Une des solutions envisagées consiste alors à promouvoir les horaires de travail à la carte. Mais nos observations relativisent la pertinence de cette idée. En effet, en Île-de-France et pour les déplacements en transports collectifs, la flexibilisation des horaires de travail accentue la concentration temporelle des arrivées au bureau. Ce constat paradoxal demande de renverser la façon dont nous considérons généralement le phénomène de pointe. Avant de chercher à résoudre les problèmes de congestion en heure de pointe, il est nécessaire de comprendre les logiques d’action individuelles qui fondent un choix d’horaire de travail. Pour quelles raisons un salarié aux horaires flexibles arrive-t-il au travail en heure de pointe? Guidées par une approche compréhensive et centrée sur les temporalités du quotidien, nos investigations s’appuient sur les résultats d’un questionnaire (3202 répondants) et d’entretiens (29) réalisés auprès de cadres du pôle d’activité de la Plaine Saint-Denis. Afin de décrire les stratégies temporelles qui expliquent une arrivée au bureau en heure de pointe, nous établissons nos hypothèses de recherche selon trois dimensions :(I) Il subsiste toujours des contraintes de couplage (horaires d’école, de réunion) qui poussent les salariées flexibles à se rendre au travail durant la période de pointe. (II) Les salariés flexibles qui n’ont pas de contraintes de couplage préfèrent (loisir en fin d’après-midi, synchronisation avec les proches) arriver avant ou pendant l'heure de pointe. (III) Il existe des normes sociales d’horaires de travail (normes des salariés disciplinés et du cadre dévoué) qui canalisent les pratiques horaires en sanctionnant les arrivées trop tardives au bureau. La validation de ces hypothèses offre une lecture renouvelée de l’heure de pointe à l’ère de la flexibilité : l’individualisation du rapport au temps (de travail) ne conduit pas à la désynchronisation des agendas. Et finalement, c’est en dévoilant les entrelacs organiques de la synchronisation au travail que la thèse ouvre des pistes opérationnelles pour désaturer les transports aux heures de pointe / At the core of city life, work hours set the rhythm of daily activities and movement. We are therefore investigating the possibility of staggering the start of the work day in order to reduce congestion at morning rush hour. Suggestions typically put forward are based on considerations of a tactical nature: it is companies’ schedules which dictate that workers all commute at the same time. Thus, one proposed solution is to promote flexible work schedules. But our observations call this idea into question: in Île-de-France, as far as public transportation is concerned, flexible work scheduling actually magnifies the number of commuters who arrive at work during rush hour. This paradoxical observation makes it necessary to change the way we usually think of the rush hour phenomenon. Before trying to solve peak congestions problems, we need to understand the underlying reasons on which an individual’s work schedule choices are based. Why does a worker with flexible work hours commute during rush hour? Our research adopts a comprehensive approach and focuses on daily scheduling demands. It relies on the results of a survey (3202 respondents) and interviews (29). Respondents and interviewees are executives from the Plaine Saint-Denis area. To describe temporal strategies that explain voluntary commuting during peak hours, we organize our hypotheses along three dimensions :(I) There remain coupling constraints (school hours, meeting hours) which force workers with flexible hours to go to work during peak hours. (II) Workers with flexible hours and fewer coupling constraints prefer (late afternoon leisure, activities with family and friends) to arrive before or during the rush hour. (III) There are social norms regarding work hours (ideal of the disciplined worker or the dedicated executive) that limit flexibility by frowning on those who arrive overly late at the office. Confirmation of these hypotheses opens the way to a renewed reading of the rush hour phenomenon in the age of flexibility: individualized (work) hours do not result in desynchronized (work) schedules. In conclusion, it is by revealing the organic intricacy of work synchronisation that our thesis generates operational recommendations for reducing congestion at peak hours

Jackie Chan has had a long and consistently successful career in the entertainment industry, becoming the most universally recognized Chinese performer, second only perhaps, to Bruce Lee. His rags-to-riches path to stardom has been well documented and oft quoted. At a time when all the up-and-coming martial arts actors felt the pressure to be carbon copies of Bruce Lee, Chan made his mark on the screen by making his persona everything that Lee?s wasn?t. With 1978?s Snake in the Eagle?s Shadow and Drunken Master, Chan?s revolutionary comic and realistic persona was firmly established with audiences. Throughout the 80s and 90s, Chan remained undeniably the biggest star in the East, demonstrating wild popularity in not only Asia, but throughout Europe and Africa as well. After several failed attempts at breaking into the American market, Chan finally achieved success with 1998?s Rush Hour. Unfortunately, success in the West has come with strict limitations placed on the characters he has been allowed to play. These limitations most often manifest themselves in the sexuality and morality of the characters, as well as the dramatic opportunities available to Chan within the films. In order to keep Chan?s vast filmography ? which has recently seen him sign on to his 100th leading role ? I have separated it into three distinct stages. The first stage of his career begins with his groundbreaking turn in Snake in the Eagle?s Shadow and ends with his last Asian film before successfully breaking into Hollywood, 1998?s Who am I?. From this point on, his career takes two distinct paths: the path in Hollywood, beginning with Rush Hour, and the path in Asia, which begins with 1999?s Gorgeous. Each stage features distinct characteristics and trends with rare digression. I will provide examples from a selection of films within each stage of his career in order to clarify the traits and characteristics of the roles he has taken in each one. The purpose of this thesis is twofold. First and foremost, it will reveal the extent to which Chan faces negative stereotyping in the United States by clearly offering the contrasting positive representations he is able to achieve overseas. The second aim, which has naturally arisen from the workings of the first, is a critical look at a career that has found its actor bored with the kinds of films that have brought him worldwide fame.

La présente étude fait partie d’une recherche longitudinale menée par Line Nadeau Ph. D. et Réjean Tessier Ph. D. (École de Psychologie de l’Université Laval), depuis 1987, auprès d’une cohorte d’enfants nés extrêmement prématurés (moins de 29 semaines de gestation) et de très petit poids de naissance (moins de 1500 grammes). Cette étude spécifique a pour principal objectif de connaître les séquelles à long terme d’une naissance prématurée sur le développement cognitif et social des enfants. Pour ceci, des mesures cognitives, sociales et de performance (en situation de résolution de problème dans un contexte de jeu) ont été réalisées. Les résultats suggèrent que les enfants prématurés ont plus de difficultés dans les fonctions exécutives (planification) et qu’ils sont perçus par leurs pairs comme moins agressifs et hyperactifs et plus sensibles/isolés. Les difficultés socio-cognitives se reflètent par une difficulté à réaliser des séquences complexes dans un jeu qui requiert une bonne capacité de planification (Rush-Hour). Cette séquence complexe, qu’on appelle «la séquence de quatre mouvements et plus » semble compléter les autres mesures et augmente leur sensibilité et spécificité discriminante.

L'objectif de ce mémoire est d'observer directement le comportement d'enfants nés prématurément dans une situation cognitive et sociale. Soixante-deux extrêmes prématurés et 37 contrôles nés à terme âgés de 11 à 12 ans sont observés à partir d'une nouvelle mesure de type écologique: le Rush-Hour©, un jeu de type labyrinthe. L'enfant prématuré ou contrôle doit résoudre le problème du jeu avec trois autres élèves de sa classe. Les résultats démontrent que le niveau d'activité dans le jeu est plus faible pour les enfants nés prématurément que les contrôles nés à terme. Le niveau d'activité corrèle avec l'état de l'enfant à la naissance (indice Apgar). Plus l'enfant prématuré avait un indice Apgar élevé à sa naissance, plus il est actif dans le jeu à 11–12 ans. Les résultats seront expliqués grâce aux hypothèses sociales et neurologiques émises sur la passivité des prématurés à la petite enfance.

An important aspect during the planning of commuter trains is how long they will be waiting at the platform. All travelers must be able to board and get off the train in time while the process cannot take too long. The train’s waiting time is called its dwell time, and this is a study of how the dwell time of the commuter trains in Stockholm behaves with a focus on the larger station Stockholm Odenplan and the smaller station Årstaberg. The duration of the dwell time compared to the stations planned dwell time was analyzed with manual measurements on the stations. The dwell time was analyzed both during and after rush hours. Possible reasons for the dwell time’s length were also analyzed and a potential factor that was in focus was the impact of the removal of train conductors. Train conductors in Stockholm’s rail system are responsible for monitoring the boarding and closing the train’s doors after it is finished. They began to dismantle from the trains Mars 2023 due to efficiency reasons. Half of the trains will run with a train conductor until autumn 2023, where they will disappear entirely. The train drivers will afterwards monitor the travelers with cameras instead. The commuter trains in Stockholm have three routes between Bålsta and Nynäshamn, Uppsala/Märsta and Södertälje and Södertälje and Gnesta. Factors considered when planning their timetables are the system’s capacity, how long the train should wait at a station and how long it takes to drive between stations. 94 % of the trains run on time in the system according to the operator MTR. The analyzed stations Stockholm Odenplan and Årstaberg are in Stockholm and have their separate conditions. Stockholm Odenplan is the second to largest station in the system and is in a central part of the city. The station is underground, and the rails are separated from the platform with platform doors. The doors are shown to cause delays for the dwell time as they are slow. Årstaberg has considerably fewer travelers than Stockholm Odenplan and is in the south parts of the city. The station is over the ground and has no platform doors. There are many theories about the causes behind a train’s dwell time based on the behavior of the passengers. They vary from where they are waiting on the platform, how they are queueing during boarding and the behavior during the boarding. The study shows that the dwell time in Årstaberg stays under its planned 42 seconds, but it is six seconds too long from its planned 60 seconds in Stockholm Odenplan. The dwell time increases during rush hour in Årstaberg and decreases outside of it, while Stockholm Odenplan seems to be largely unaffected by rush hours. Trains with train conductors seem to have a lower dwell time than those without them. The boarding has a shorter duration with train conductors, which shows that they are more efficient than the train drivers using cameras to monitor the boarding. However, it does take a little longer for the train to depart after the boarding is finished when they have a train conductor. Factors causing the dwell time are believed to be related to the flow of passengers and the design of the stations. The platform doors are believed to increase the dwell time in Stockholm Odenplan. Meanwhile, the protection from the weather and the location of the entrance in Årstaberg might impact its dwell time. When the number of passengers increases will the boarding take longer. The boarding will also be concentrated on a few doors in Årstaberg depending on the weather or if the trains are short. The dwell time should be analyzed further for a longer period and during more hours of the day. More stations in Stockholm’s rail system should be analyzed too.