Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 272-296).

Orientador: Iara Lis Franco Schiavinatto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T21:48:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zerwes_ErikaCazzonatto_M.pdf: 7142214 bytes, checksum: 5ff053df25eee0a0095af8bfefeba586 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Buscou-se com este estudo analisar as fotografias produzidas pelo construtivista russo Aleksandr Rodchenko, entre 1924 e 1930, a partir de suas tramas internas, e a relação entre as imagens e o engajamento político do artista. Em sua concepção, a arte possuía um papel efetivo na construção da sociedade. Isto se daria com o emprego de uma estética fotográfica revolucionária, que, demandando uma postura ativa de seu observador, engendraria um novo homem. Este ficou conhecido como Novo Homem Soviético, noção utópica partilhada pela vanguarda russa. A partir de sua ligação com o formalismo e o futurismo russos, bem como com o grupo LEF, fundado em 1923 pelo poeta Maiakovski, Rodchenko foi pioneiro na construção de uma nova visualidade, que julgava mais coerente com o mundo moderno. Nestes seis anos, ele empenhou-se na reinvenção do fazer e da linguagem fotográficos, explorando sua singularidade técnica. / Abstract: This study intents to analyze the photographs made by the Russian constructivist Aleksandr Rodchenko from 1924 to 1930, in its inner conformities and the relation between his images and his political engagement. To him, art had an important role in the construction of society. It would be done with a revolutionary photographic aesthetics which demanded from the observer an active posture that would create a new man. This new man became known as the New Soviet Man, a utopist notion that was shared by the Russian avant-garde. From his knowledge of formalist and futurist theories and the LEF group, founded by the poet Mayakovsky in 1923, Rodchenko pioneered in the construction of a new visuality which according to him was more coherent to the modern world. In these six years, he committed himself to the reinvention of photographic making and language, exploring its technical singularity. / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História

The diploma thesis is focused on defining the place of cultural diplomacy and concepts of soft power and nation branding in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation, as since the end of the Cold War importance of culture and cultural diplomacy in international relations has started to grow. It analyses the question whether cultural diplomacy as part of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation contributes to increase attractiveness and positive image abroad. To determine positives, negatives and exploit the potential, SWOT analysis was applied. In the case study the position of Slovakia in the cultural diplomacy of the Russian Federation with regard to problem areas of cooperation is defined. It also includes analysis of the activity, its results and major projects of the Russian Centre of Science and Culture in Bratislava.

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Thesis (doctoral)--University of Helsinki, 1983. / Leaf with thesis statement and English abstract inserted. Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. [410]-437).

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Infringement in fields of Intellectual Property Rights is a global problem causing repeated and sustained attention at national and international levels. A number of different organizations and commissions are constantly control and counteract the growth of these infringements, but despite the taken measures counterfeit and piracy goods continue to be manufactured and sold around the world. The Russian Federation (RF) is a country that has close commercial ties with many foreign states, including Sweden. However the RF is one of the countries, included on the Special 301 Priority Watch List due to the continuing and large - scale of Property Rights and Intellectual Property Rights violations. In this connection, a study was conducted with the participation of collaborating Swedish - Russian enterprises, whose activities could be subjected to counterfeiting and IP piracy. The aim of the study is to determine how collaborating Swedish – Russian enterprises with branches in the Russian Federation perceive the situation in the country and assess the activities of Russian institutions that play an important role in controlling and combating violations against counterfeiting and IP piracy. Moreover the aim includes identifying the most vulnerable class of actors in the general mechanism of counterfeiting and IP piracy. The research based on elements of the New Institutional Economics Theory and conducted by using a combination of a literature review and semi- structured interview with representatives of Swedish - Russian enterprises. The study found that organizations are the most vulnerable class of actors in general mechanism of counterfeiting and IP piracy. International firms and companies are in a more difficult situation because they provide own activities simultaneously in several legal and political systems. Representatives of interviewed companies argue that activities of analyzed Russian institutions are insufficiently effective and the state should take a set of measures so the foreign collaborative organizations could feel confident in territory of the RF and Russian market would become more attractive for foreign business.

On August 19, 1991, government hard-liners overthrew the Soviet Union for a period of 72 hours. Boris Yeltsin, the President of Russia, staged a protest on the steps of the Russian White House, where he gave speeches against the coup d'etat, releasing these speeches for dissemination between the hard-liners and the masses gathered to support Yeltsin. Yeltsin 's protest created a constituted identity amongst the people gathered who became part of the protest against the government. This created a confrontation between the two publics, where the state message developed a narrative involving a glorified past to which they wished to return, while the counter-public created a counter-narrative that argued a future of continued reforms would benefit the people of Russia and the Soviet Union. In the end, the counter-narrative achieved stronger approval from the masses, essentially replacing the state's narrative with its own. As a result, the hard-liners lost their grab for power, and Yeltsin emerged the winner in an ideological struggle for the future of the Russia and the Soviet Union.

This dissertation of limited scope traces the attempts by Gorbachev (1985-1991) to reform an economic, political and social system which was in a state of terminal decline. The origins of its demise, it is argued, lay in the ossified command economy inherited from Stalin. The enormous damage inflicted on Soviet agriculture during collectivisation in the 1930s~ when millions of productive peasants died, proved to be a fatal blow to that sector. Tlms, Gorbachev followed a two-fold strategy ofrefonn. Glasnost (openness) was introduced to allow constructive debate on economic and social matters. Despite a hesitant beginning, the right to criticise allowed the emergence of more radical campaigners, such as Yeltsin who demanded greater democracy. Significantly, the revival of ethnic nationalist demands in the republics led to disintegration. Perestroika (restructuring) was intended to modernise and boost living standards. The economy faltered but the market was not yet in place / History / M.A. (History)