The insertion of the bathroom into the floor plan of the traditional gentry house at the end of the seventeenth century disrupted the established sequence of rooms and the social order embodied in it. The gradual and uncoordinated trend towards bathroom ownership partook of the evolution of ideas about privacy, comfort and the specialisation of rooms in the grand house, and culminated in the compact bathroom. The revival of bathing took place against the backdrop of the Scientific Revolution, and was initiated by physicians. At first, the benefits of different methods of bathing were hotly contested. However, by the end of the century, physicians were beginning to believe that cleanliness, rather than cold water, was the key to good health. Although the rich often continued to build large plunge baths, this shift paved the way for the eventual dominance of the compact bathroom. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, a specialised bathing room within the house was out of reach for people of ordinary means. Changes to the plumbing trade were intertwined with developments that were to bring bathroom ownership within reach. In eighteenth-century Scotland, increasing numbers of bathroom projects might have been expected to expand the work of plumbers, but technological, commercial and legislative change—in particular the separation of design from construction—undermined their monopoly on their craft. Goods that had been manufactured on site and with local materials at the beginning of the eighteenth century were, by the beginning of the nineteenth, designed by a new breed of entrepreneur–inventor, manufactured by less skilled workers, and could be purchased in a shop and installed by a handyman with no particular trade identity. However, knowledge about the health benefits of bathing and technical advances are, in themselves, inadequate to account for the growing importance of bathrooms. The explanation lies in social, not technological or scientific change. Visiting public bathhouses exposed bathers to physical, moral and social pollution, at a time when failure to comply with the dictates of bodily cleanliness could provoke the disgust of one’s peers. Disgust constructed and policed the boundaries between social groups. Private bathing facilities met the requirements of bodily propriety without the risk of contamination. Moreover, a privately owned bathhouse in the grounds provided a focus for tourists or a site for intimate sociability. Bathhouses were a means of displaying wealth, taste and the fruits of the Grand Tour. Visitors could identify themselves with owners through the consumption of culture, improve their aesthetic skills through writing and drawing, and make claims to gentility through their appreciation of what they saw. As owners began to withdraw from the ever-increasing numbers of tourists, and from the formal sociability of the country seat, their bathhouses became a place for sociability in retirement which offered all kinds of entertainments, from boating and fishing, to cards and music.

This thesis was written on the constitutional changes of contemporary China, with the 1982 Constitution as the object of researches. This constitution is the currently valid constitution in China, and is expected by constitutional scholars to be put in “juridification”. However, for thirty years since its birth, this task is yet to be realized. What is more, the claim of “judicialization of the constitution” as Chinese legal constitutionalists held especially during the 1990s, is now contested by emergent constitutional schools as one of many constitutions in China. They are arguing that China’s constitutional reality should not be colonized by the Western-originated constitutional science –classical constitutionalism. Having perceived the critical merits of China’s new constitutional schools, this thesis is wary of confirming unconditionally the other end of arguments, namely, applying critical theories to condense into “constitutionalism with Chinese characteristics”. The use of “constitutionalism” to describe the Chinese model, however, should be examined against whether it has indeed resolved the material problems in China’s constitutionalization, or is merely an inflationary application of the terminology. If China’s legal constitutionalism is seen as implanting formalism of Hayekian theory in service of global capitalism, in the second-generation constitutional discourse, have we opted out of this mentality and re-constituted ourselves? Constitutionalization in contemporary China hence is a complex issue covering the grounds of institutional, political as well as conceptual controversies, more than a practical issue of applicable mechanisms. The conceptual arguments on “what is constitutional” are especially challenging to classical constitutionalism, when combined with “identity politics” and “constitutional pluralism”. Between the material and conceptual level, I am insisting that the ‘democratic deficit’ caused by China’s 1990s economic reforms and the market mentality still needs a redress, before we could render its hybrid outcomes as “constitutionalism with Chinese characteristics”.

This thesis is an historical account of the development and dissemination of birth control knowledge in Scotland in the twentieth century up to 1975. The question posed is, given that Scotland in the twenty-first century has a higher rate of teenage pregnancies than most of Western Europe despite there being no restriction on the ability to access contraceptive advice, was advice always so readily available and if so from whom ? Post 1870 there was a pan European fertility decline which was mirrored in Scotland some forty years later. The debate amongst demographers and social historians is thus as to the causes of this fertility decline. Religion being cast as the impediment to the early development of the fertility decline ensured that an examination of the Roman Catholic versus Scottish Protestant views on birth control be explored. Historical accounts have considered that the desire for contraceptive advice was a phenomenon of the early years of the twentieth century and that letters to Marie Stopes were the first interactions between the general public and those competent to offer advice. However, the historical record shows that from the early years of the nineteenth century members of the public sought information on methods of birth control by writing to journals, a pattern that continued throughout the period covered by this thesis. Scotland remains distinctive from other parts of the UK by virtue of its separate legal system, both civil and criminal, its separate Church history with the parish church and state having been virtually one and the same and the rural parish church being a precursor of the local authorities. The employees of the local government authorities, the Medical Officers of Health were responsible, in agreement with their political masters of whatever hue, for the policies in relation to health and welfare adopted in a particular locality; in this case birth control advice. The administrative devolution of central government has meant that successive Scottish Secretaries of State have been able to obfuscate and hinder developments in Scotland which would have facilitated widespread dissemination of birth control advice and of course the fact that the NHS Acts in Scotland and England and Wales are distinct has ensured that legislative change has been delayed. The thesis draws upon medical and scientific journals and contemporary literature to set the scene by explicating the developments in the understanding of sexuality and reproductive physiology, a necessary precursor to the developments later in the twentieth century of the oral contraceptive pill and the impact that this preparation had on society, removing the procreative function of sexual intercourse from the hedonic. Thus freeing women from ‘the burden of pregnancy’ should they wish it, should it be available, from whom and at what cost. The politicians having debated from the 1930s to the 1970s the subject of contraceptive advice being available only to married women and initially, only available to those for whom a further pregnancy would be hazardous. Oral history testimony has been taken, and used to inform the discussion, from retired health care professionals, family planning nurses, GPs, family planning doctors, pharmacists and obstetricians as well as patients and retired clergymen who were involved in prescribing, dispensing, researching methods of contraception or in the case of the patients at the receiving end of the wisdom or ignorance of the professionals and of course in the case of the clergy advising on the moral questions in relation to the practice of birth control. In Glasgow, poor housing and social conditions, grassroots’ feminism and working class women were instrumental in establishing the first birth control clinics whereas in Edinburgh the Cooperative Women’s Guild organised public meetings to raise the issue and call on government to allow maternity centres to provide guidance and instruction in birth control to married women. In Aberdeen it was wealthy philanthropic women who promoted birth control ideals and facilitated the first birth control clinic in the north of Scotland. The issue however was politically sensitive, especially in the west of Scotland, as the Labour Party needed to secure the votes of the Roman Catholic Population. The medical profession were not at the forefront of providing this advice in part due to ignorance but also lack of interest and also not wishing to be seen as promoting immorality and offending the Church, a powerful body in Scotland. The Protestant and Catholic Churches in Scotland had an alliance condemning all acts of birth control until the 1930s when the clamour from the public forced politicians, heretofore virtually absent from the debate, to confirm what was and was not available at government expense. That guidance, similar to that offered in England, was not available to the public in Scotland as evidenced by contemporary accounts in the National Records of Scotland, merely highlights the differing attitudes of politicians in Scotland who at a local and national level were ever mindful not to risk offending the Roman Catholic Church’s teachings or risk suffering at the ballot box. Teaching of birth control techniques was absent from most medical schools in Scotland although Edinburgh University appointed a lecturer in family planning in 1946. Thus most young practitioners from Scottish medical schools remained ignorant and unable to help their patients even if willing to do so. Despite the Royal Commission on Population of 1949 recommending that advice on contraception to married persons be available, as part of the National Health Service, it was to take nearly another thirty years before contraceptive advice to all who wished it were freely available. In the intervening years the medical profession, although reluctant to become involved, had accepted initially that they could charge a fee for this private service and later that item of service payments for providing contraceptive advice was acceptable, although interviewees conceded that in many cases general practitioners were untrained to provide this service. This account of the history of the dissemination of birth control advice shows how the medical profession, initially uninterested in this subject, became, as reproductive physiology was better understood and with developments of hormonal manipulation of the menstrual cycle, to embrace contraception as a legitimate topic on which to provide advice to patients. The notion, of course, of general medical practitioners having responsibility for a group of patients unless as private practitioners was only apparent after the inception of the NHS.

You could only bury a body so deep before the seasons decided you would join it . Topsoil so desperate for affection it shakes to remind me that I was once and am loved . I linger in the southwestern sky , burgundy to violet , with Neil Young playing faintly in the distance as my father calls me home .

Enlisted soldiers preferred to elect company- and regimental-level officers during the first year of the American Civil War. This thesis explores how early Confederate mobilization, class conflict between elites and non-elites, and Confederate military policies affected officer elections from spring 1861 to spring 1862 among Virginia Confederates. Chapter 1 explores how the chaotic nature of mobilization and common soldiers' initial expectations regarding their military service influenced elections from April 1861 until late July 1861. Chapter 2 details the changing nature of elections as elite officers faced challenges from non-elites and Confederate policies regarding furloughs and conscription forced officers to reconcile their men’s expectations of loose discipline with directives from senior commanders.

Measuring health system performance is essential for improving health and quality of care. It is relevant in any context, but especially in countries whose health care systems have undergone major changes. The 1989 transition from communism to democracy in Czechoslovakia followed by the 1993 split into two independent countries (the Czech Republic and Slovakia) have been studied extensively but little research has addressed the effects of these events on health and the quality of care provided. The overarching objective of this thesis is to examine pre- and post-transition health system performance at three levels: i) overall health and well-being, ii) quality of the health care system, and iii) quality of outpatient care. This is a policy piece intended to demonstrate the usefulness of various performance indicators, while applying a range of quantitative methods from different disciplines to unique datasets. The macro level findings suggest that the transition was not detrimental to overall health and wellbeing in neither of the two countries as demonstrated by a small continued height increase. Slovakia showed a larger capacity to benefit from the transition. The overall quality of the health care systems is measured by ‘avoidable’ mortality and also shows improvements. For some ‘avoidable’ mortality conditions Slovakia continues to lag behind the Czech Republic, while for others it outperforms its neighbour. The thesis also provides evidence on the absence of a significant relationship between health care inputs and ‘avoidable’ mortality. Finally, the assessment of the quality of outpatient care in Slovakia, using preventable hospitalisations and selected processes of care, shows that inappropriate care may be provided for asthma and diabetes. The findings also indicate a link between appropriate and inappropriate care and preventable hospitalisations. Overall, the results of this thesis provide the basis for policy makers to better understand the changes in health outcomes and quality of care in these two settings but also to inform future quality improvement efforts.

This thesis is undertaken with the intention of studying the attitude of the Presidents of the United States toward education as revealed in their messages to Congress. The writer chose this subject because he felt that the messages and speeches reflect their attitude toward education and to some extent at least reflect the national attitude. Since this group has included some of America’s ablest leaders, education may find in their works arguments of great weight. Since the study was restricted to the messages of Presidents, naturally Richardson’s “Messages and Papers of the Presidents of the Presidents to 1908” is the most used reference. Not only does this thesis summarize the messages, but it attempts discern the philosophy of education at the time of the message was written, the personal training that might have influenced the President, and the trends of the public thought at the time that might have played a part. For this purpose secondary sources, pamphlets, reports and newspapers have been used. The writer has found no other study on this subject, and he has attempted to collect in readable form a summary of the views of our chief officials.

Since John Ruskin and William Morris's protestations against mass production in the nineteenth century, critics of mass consumption thought that it not only reduced the necessity, but also the desire, to make things for personal use and enjoyment. The history of leisure painting in art societies and adult education, and of the amateur artist’s consumption of art materials and self-help literature, shows that, on the contrary, affluence both inspired and facilitated a quest for self-actualisation amongst the rank and file. Creative activities such as drawing and painting served this quest at little financial cost to the individual. Following the Second World War, a significant increase in the take-up of leisure painting was encouraged by the state as part of the broader postwar settlement. The pursuit of personal wellbeing through creative activity was regarded as a public good, of benefit not only to individuals but also to the communities of which they were a part. In the last quarter of the twentieth century, state support for recreational pursuits such as leisure painting was pared back: in the shift from collectivist social democracy towards individualist market liberalism, personal enjoyment was recast as a private affair for which the consumer must pay. Painting continued to grow in popularity, supported by expanding consumer markets in self-help literature and affordable art materials. Yet while consumerism sustained the popularity of amateur art-making, the ways in which amateur artists participated in the arts changed. Personal creativity emerges here as an inherently social activity: the private experience of creativity is mediated and structured by society. Consumerism was not bad for personal creativity per se, but the replacement of a communitarian approach with a consumerist model restricted the breadth and reach of creative aspiration nurtured as part of the postwar settlement. By the end of the century, most amateurs were painting alone.

This dissertation contributes to the long-standing debate between those who argue that the enclosure of the commons was as a precondition to foster economic growth and those who defend common property regimes can be efficient and sustainable. Exploiting historical evidence from 19^th century and early 20^th century Spain, this research shows that the persistence of the commons in some Spanish regions was not detrimental to economic development, at least relative to the institutional arrangements they were replaced with. On the contrary, during the early stages of modern economic growth, the communal regime not only did not limit agricultural productivity growth, but indeed constituted a crucial part of the functioning of the rural economics in a number of ways. On the one hand, these collective resources complemented rural incomes and, subsequently, sustained households' consumption capacity. The reduction in life expectancy and heights in the provinces where privatisation was more intense, as well as the negative effect on literacy levels, strongly supports that the privatisation of the commons deteriorated the living standards of a relatively large part of the population. On the other hand, the communal regime also significantly contributed to financing the municipal budget. Deprived from this important source of revenue, local councils became unable to adequately fund local public goods and ended up increasing local taxes. Lastly, the social networks developed around the use and management of these collective resources facilitated the diffusion of information and the building of mutual knowledge and trust, thus constituting a vital ingredient of the social glue that hold these rural communities together. All things considered, the persistence of the commons in some regions provided peasants with cooperation mechanisms different from the market and made the transition to modern economic growth more socially sustainable.

The purpose of this study was to pursue the problem of the inter-relationship of selected chronological, psychological, and sociological factors and the dating frequency of selected single tenth and twelfth grade white students in Texas.