I processi di globalizzazione e di individualizzazione che caratterizzano il mondo e le società contemporanee producono inevitabilmente delle ricadute all’interno dei rapporti tra cittadini ed istituzioni. I tradizionali soggetti della rappresentanza politica, i partiti, sembrano annaspare a vantaggio di nuove forme ed esperienze di partecipazione “dal basso”. Il Movimento 5 Stelle, una “giovane” formazione politica nata sulla Rete e capitanata da Beppe Grillo che, cavalcando il malessere e la disaffezione dei cittadini nei confronti della politica tradizionale si è imposta come la principale rivelazione delle elezioni politiche 2013 in Italia, costituisce lo specifico oggetto di studio della ricerca. In particolare, il lavoro di tesi si snoda attraverso due studi di caso: il primo fra gli eletti del Movimento in Parlamento, il secondo all’interno del gruppo di attivisti di base nella città di Firenze. In entrambi i casi, la rilevazione passa attraverso interviste di tipo semi-strutturato al fine di cogliere in profondità elementi di un movimento dalle caratteristiche del tutto peculiari. Nel caso degli attivisti, alle interviste si è aggiunto un periodo di osservazione partecipante all’interno del Meetup: l’obiettivo è quello di fornire una sintesi delle modalità di trasformazione della politica sul territorio, in una realtà mai così in movimento. / The processes of globalization and individualization that characterize our world and contemporary societies do inevitably produce consequences within the relationship between citizens and institutions. Parties, the traditional subjects of political representation, seem like fumbling for the benefit of new participation forms and experiences "from below." The Five Stars Movement, a "young" political formation born on the Net and led by Beppe Grillo, riding the malaise and indifference of the citizens towards traditional politics (and whose emergence has been the main surprise of the 2013 italian national elections) has the specific subject of the research. Particularly, the thesis does investigate two case studies: the first among the elected of the Five Stars Movement in the italian Parliament, the second within its local group in Florence. In both cases, the detection goes through semi-structured interviews in order to understand in depth elements of a movement with quite peculiar characteristics. In the local activists’ case, a period of participant observation within the Florence’s Meetup has been added to the interviews, with the aim of providing a summary of the transformation of politics in the territory, in such a moving world.

La ricerca svolta si propone di esplorare la possibilità di utilizzare le metodologie quantitative di analisi del contenuto per determinare, tramite l’analisi dei testi già disponibili (dati testuali secondari, non raccolti ad hoc) le affinità tra una politica sanitaria regionale ed il Framework on integrated, people-centred health services (IPCHS, WHO, 2016).. La scelta di utilizzare come fonti di dati i testi è dovuta principalmente alle tempistiche di elaborazione del lavoro. Il Framework IPCHS è stato diffuso nella sua versione ufficiale nell’aprile 2016 e al momento della consegna di questo lavoro (settembre 2017) non è stata ancora adottata nessuna strategia ufficiale per il monitoraggio dell’implementazione delle politiche people centred. Anche il caso di studio scelto, ovvero la Riforma sociosanitaria lombarda, cominciata nel 2015, è ancora in fase di implementazione.La natura metodologico-sperimentale della tesi e la metodologia scelta hanno determinato l’adozione di un approccio basato sul paradigma dei Mixed methods. Il lavoro è strutturato nel seguente modo. Nel primo capitolo sono ripresi gli elementi metodologici essenziali della Analisi del contenuto applicata alla analisi delle politiche pubbliche. Vengono inoltre illustrati i risultati di un approfondimento condotto sul concetto di parola chiave. Nel secondo capitolo viene descritto il Framework IPCHS e viene illustrato il processo di composizione delle liste di parole chiave (dizionario PCA) nella loro duplice versione in inglese e in italiano attraverso una analisi tematica. Nel capitolo III è descritta una prima applicazione del dizionario PCA ad un corpus composto da 13 note relative ad interviste svolte durante il progetto Stop TB partnership. Il fine della analisi svolta nel terzo capitolo è testare la capacità di ricognizione delle liste rispetto ai contenuti attinenti al People Centred Approach. Per questa ragione i risultati ottenuti sono stati sottoposti a validazione qualitativa. Nel capitolo IV invece, il dizionario PCA (versione italiana) è stato utilizzato per analizzare un corpus relativo alla Riforma Sociosanitaria lombarda (l.r. 23/2015 ed alcune delibere attuative). Anche in questo caso i risultati ottenuti sono stati sottoposti a validazione, secondo un approccio mixed methods, anche per individuare l’impatto della traduzione in italiano sulla efficacia delle liste di parole chiave. / The aim of this research is to investigate the possibility to develop a secondary textual-data based protocol in order to use textual material such as interviews, national strategic plans and other official documents to classify a health policy as “integrated and people centred”. According to WHO resolution A69/39 “An integrated people-centred approach is crucial to the development of health systems that can respond to emerging and varied health challenges, including urbanization, the global tendency towards unhealthy lifestyles, ageing populations, the dual disease burden of communicable and non communicable diseases, multi-morbidities, rising health care costs, disease outbreaks and other health-care crises.” But how can we determine if a health policy is integrated and people centred? In this study, I try to develop a mixed methods based protocol to analyse textual material and evaluate his relevance with WHO Framework on integrated, people-centred health services. In the first chapter, there is a literature review about content analysis methodologies applied to policy analysis. Then I examine two different health policies, one implemented at international level by WHO (Stop TB Partnership Program) and one implemented at the regional level by Regione Lombardia (Health System Reform). While the first analysis aim is to text the dictionary created by a thematic analysis of the Framework on integrated people-centred health services (described in chapter 2), the second analysis is to apply the dictionary to an Italian case, characterized by textual materials written in Italian.

La tratta degli esseri umani a scopo di sfruttamento lavorativo (tratta lavorativa, labour trafficking) in Europa è un grave crimine contro le persone, che viola i diritti umani. La ricerca esistente si concentra principalmente sulle vittime, mentre lo studio degli autori di reato e sul modo in cui sfruttano le vulnerabilità del sistema è meno sviluppato. Questo è dovuto in parte alla mancanza di dati robusti, ma anche a un approccio della ricerca criminologica tradizionalmente rigido e settoriale. Al contrario, lo studio della tratta lavorativa richiede concetti flessibili, che riconoscano le radici profonde di questo fenomeno nell’intero sistema socioeconomico, più che il semplice prodotto della volontà degli autori dei reati. Partendo dalle indicazioni della letteratura, questa ricerca si concentra sul settore agricolo italiano, non ancora esaminato da un punto di vista criminologico. L’obiettivo è la comprensione dei meccanismi attraverso i quali la tratta lavorativa nasce e si sviluppa. La scelta del contesto dello studio è dovuta alle caratteristiche peculiari dell’Italia, che rendono la tratta lavorativa in agricoltura centrale per il dibattito nazionale. Inoltre, l'Italia condivide alcune caratteristiche con altri paesi europei, e dunque alcune lezioni apprese da questo caso possono essere discusse alla luce del dibattito internazionale. In primo luogo, un’analisi a livello macro esamina come i fattori strutturali associati nella letteratura internazionale alla tratta lavorativa si concretizzano nel contesto italiano. I risultati mostrano che il sistema stesso sembra creare un terreno fertile per lo sviluppo e il mantenimento della tratta lavorativa: la vulnerabilità dei lavoratori migranti è insita nell'attuale quadro normativo dell’immigrazione; la filiera agroalimentare impone ai produttori la riduzione del costo della forza lavoro; e l'attuale sistema legale basato sulla repressione delle condotte criminose inquadrate come eventi eccezionali è insufficiente. In secondo luogo, un’analisi a livello meso descrive le caratteristiche generali delle reti della tratta lavorativa in Italia. Quattro casi studio selezionati con un metodo razionale e sistematico sono poi approfonditi per identificare le principali caratteristiche, modalità e organizzazione relazionale dei reati, e i metodi con cui viene sviluppata e mantenuta la condizione di sfruttamento delle vittime. I risultati mostrano che nei quattro casi studio le reti si sviluppano e si adattano alle opportunità offerte dal sistema legale. I risultati e gli insegnamenti tratti dal caso italiano sono infine discussi alla luce del dibattito internazionale sulla tratta lavorativa. / Labour trafficking in Europe is a serious crime against persons, violating their fundamental human rights. Existing research primarily focuses on the victims, while data on offenders and the manner in which they exploit vulnerabilities is less developed. Recent trends in criminological literature are highlighting how the past lack of research is related to the lack of robust data, but also to traditional rigid approaches with exception to few extreme cases. On the contrary, they call for more flexible concepts recognising that labour trafficking is not only the product of offenders’ will, but has deep roots embedded in the socioeconomic system. Elaborating on these indications, this research focuses on the Italian agriculture sector, which has not yet been examined in literature from a criminological perspective, with the aim to understand the mechanisms through which labour trafficking originates and develops. This choice has been made because the characteristics particular to Italy make labour trafficking in agriculture central to the debate within the country; and because Italy shares some characteristics with other European countries, so some lessons learnt from this case can be discussed in light of the international debate on labour trafficking. First, a macro-analysis examines how the structural factors associated in the international literature with labour trafficking take shape in the Italian context. The results show that the system itself seems to create a fertile ground for labour trafficking to develop and maintain: migrant workers’ vulnerability is inherent in the current migration regulatory framework; the agrifood supply chain makes it necessary for producers to lower the cost of workforce; and the current legal system based on the repression of abusive conducts seen as exceptional events proves ineffective. Second, a meso-analysis at organisation/network level describes the general characteristics of labour trafficking networks in Italy, and then zooms in four case studies selected through a rational systematic method to identify the main features, modalities, and relational organisation of the crime commission, and how the exploitative condition of the victims is developed and maintained. The results show that in the four case studies the trafficking networks develop and adapt to the opportunities offered by the legal system. The results are finally discussed in light of the international debate on labour trafficking, and the lessons learned from the case of Italy.

Over the last decade, a confluence of strategic and security concerns has threatened the European Union’s survival both within and beyond its political dimension. As a result, security and defence have risen to the top of the EU’s political agenda, culminating in the approval of the EU Global Strategy (EUGS) in 2016. The EUGS represented a watershed moment in the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy: the EU agreed on ambitious levels of security and defence. The new policy is based on supporting capacity building among member states through instruments such as PESCO. Nonetheless, these instruments have caused variations in patterns of member state behaviour that have enhanced defense integration. This research aims to understand what was the PESCO institutional effect on Member States' preferences and how it has affected the European security and defense goals. The research highlights the role of European agencies and how they contributed to solve collective action problem through a ‘forum effect' on participants, using pro-actively the task of assessing co-operative projects proposals. As a result, PESCO’s institutional effect led to cooperative outcomes between nations that allowed them to overcome coordination dilemmas, namely uncertainty about the willingness to contribute to a common project, which is typical of defense cooperation. Here, we used Rational Choice Institutionalism theory to investigate the PESCO project structure and its interaction with the European Defence policy. Cooperation between participating member states is presented within a cooperative game action, as part of a theoretical approach to game theory. It explains formally how PESCO entails elements to overcome collective action problem among participating member states, while emphasising the institutional design that promoted the European interests, and how this has led to more Europeanised security and defence. Findings are interpreted under the Differentiated integration concept.

This thesis investigates how everyday patterns of interactions among civil society organizations are transformed in a relatively short period of time when major changes in the broader political context occur. More precisely, it focuses on civic organizations engaged in environmental activism and advocacy in the Basque Country, examining whether ETA’s decision to abandon the armed struggle on October 20th, 2011 has affected their dynamics of collaboration. Combining diverse theoretical elements from the literature on social movements, together with insights from studies of civil society and peacebuilding, and relying upon the conceptual and methodological toolbox of social network analysis (SNA), I analyze the evolution of interorganizational networks of collective action before and after the end of violence, specifically, between the years 2007 and 2017. The empirical core of the dissertation is comprised by chapters 5, 6 and 7. Chapter 5 examines the varying impact of two main external ideological cleavages (national identity and position towards ETA’s violence) on interorganizational collaboration. The findings confirm that allegiances and conflicts related to these two dimensions used to condition collaborative ties between organizations up to 2011, while during the more recent post-conflict period collaborative patterns seem to be less segmented along ideological lines. Chapter 6 complements the preceding one by adding into the analysis several other non-ideological predictors of interorganizational collaboration. Results show that, with the end of ETA’s armed struggle, pragmatic-instrumental factors and interpersonal bonds seem to play a larger role as drivers of public collaboration. Next, chapter 7 engages in a quite different and more exploratory kind of analysis. Applying Diani’s modes of coordination (MoC) analytical framework, I explore whether the underlying relational logics through which civic actors engage with one another have significantly changed before and after the end of violence. The structural network analyses conducted reveal that social movement patterns of relations have expanded after 2011, becoming dominant vis-à-vis other modes of coordination. At the same time, actors embedded in a social movement mode of coordination are slightly more heterogeneous after the definitive demise of the violent conflict in comparison with the previous phase. Taken as a whole, these findings can be interpreted as positive signs of post-conflict normalization of socio-political life in the Basque Country. The fact that environmental civic networks are now denser and more cross-cutting does not only mirror the lower saliency of the cleavages that used to severely condition Basque politics, but it can also serve as a powerful mechanism through which a more tolerant and vibrant democratic community can progressively be built. Overall, this dissertation provides a more nuanced and complex view of the role played by organized civil society and social movements in deeply divided communities, underlining the need to focus on their relational structure in order to correctly assess their potential impact on social integration and the functioning of democracy. Moreover, by analyzing networks among civic organizations in a longitudinal perspective, this dissertation makes several original contributions to social movement scholarship, especially to the stream of literature focusing on coalition making. Methodologically, the replication or adaptation of the empirical design employed in this research could be instrumental in fostering more longitudinal examinations of collective action fields, which until now remain scarce. From a theoretical standpoint, this investigation underlines the context-dependent nature of even well-established patterns of political interactions, underscoring the need to pay more attention to the complex interplay between historical conjunctures and underlying everyday patterns of sociopolitical behavior.

Since the early 2000s, there has been a sharp increase in speculations that China’s development trajectory may provide a model for other developing countries—particularly those in Africa—to follow, and that this poses a profound challenge to the dominant global development paradigm. A highly-charged media and policy debate has increasingly made its way into the academic literature, with central questions focusing around the lessons that African and developing countries are drawing from China and around the desirability of such emulation. Due to the exploratory and recent nature of this growing literature, however, very few studies have been sufficiently grounded in empirical or theoretical analysis. This dissertation seeks to remedy this situation by examining the ideational influence of China’s development on those ultimately charged with evaluating and implementing these purported ‘models’: developing country elites. Drawing on the theories of cross-societal emulation (Westney 1987) and lesson-drawing (Rose 1991), it finds that elites in two countries cases—Ethiopia and Kenya-indeed seek to emulate countries in East Asia. China, however, is viewed as only one source of potential ‘lessons’, and its elites often embed its experiences within a wider East Asian development trajectory. In both country cases, this emulation challenges many of the assumptions that have driven development since the 1970s. Unlike the Washington Consensus, the development paradigm prompted by this lesson-drawing is historically-contingent and views nation-building by a strong, visionary political leadership as the country’s single most important priority. Because it favours large physical infrastructure projects, rapid economic growth, technologically-optimistic solutions and a civilisatory discourse, its divergence from the more recent ‘Augmented’ Washington Consensus is even more striking. In these and in other central lessons drawn, the development approach it most resembles, in fact, is the modernisation theory of the 1950s and 1960s. Despite the fact that both Kenya and Ethiopia thus possess modernising elites that seek to emulate aspects of the East Asian experience, different dynamics drive the process in each national context. In Ethiopia, a country slowly emerging from a history of communism and isolationism, a strong and ideologically unified ruling party looks to China, South Korea and other countries with a history of strong state intervention. In Kenya, by contrast, a coalition of business leaders, technocrats and planners view Singapore and Malaysia as potential models by virtue of a shared colonial history and divergent post-colonial path. Kenya’s vision, whilst more moderate, is also more constrained due to the relative lack of influence its modernisers wield in the political process. In both cases, historical factors bound and condition elites’ choice of model. The emerging literature on the ‘Chinese Model’ of development deserves credit for beginning to theoretically and empirically substantiate an important current policy debate, but it also vastly underestimates the importance of its predecessors. Given the extent to which Ethiopian and Kenyan elites root their emulation in the region as a whole, the East Asian ‘developmental state’ model is one such fore-runner. Most importantly, however, this emulation illustrates the enduring topicality of many of the assumptions of modernisation theory—assumptions that are likely to play a central role in informing African and even global development paradigms in the future.

La tesi cerca di rispondere alla domanda: 'La libanese intifadha al-Iqtad poteva essere prevista?'. la tesi prima definisce l'evento politico, e. Successivamente esamina le condizioni epistemologiche in base alle quali una predizione del futuro possa essere considerata scientifica. In terzo luogo, propone uno schema di previsione organizzato in funzione del coinvolgimento degli agenti nella creazione della storia umana. Infine, analizza la intifadha al-Iqtad in base allo schema analitico proposto. / The thesis aims to answer the question 'could the Lebanese Intifadha al-Iqtad have been predicted?' In order to do so, it first of all tries to define the political event, in terms of features, dynamic, and outcome. Secondly, it outlines the epistemological assumptions on which a scientific prediction of the future could be based. Thirdly, it puts forward a framework for foreseeing the future organised on different levels and divided into macro-categories. Finally, it analyses the Lebanese Intifadha al-Iqtad according to the proposed framework.

Il Bilancio Partecipativo (BP) è probabilmente l’esempio più famoso ed interessante di governance locale per i suoi effetti democratici e redistributivi. Per via del coinvolgimento diretto dei cittadini nel processo decisionale, il BP è considerato una forma di democrazia diretta capace di ovviare agli attuali limiti della democrazia rappresentativa moderna. Tuttavia, ad un’attenta analisi, è possibile identificare nel suo funzionamento anche degli elementi rappresentativi che non sono mai stati presi molto in seria considerazione. Infatti, poiché la partecipazione avviene solitamente attraverso gruppi ed associazioni, nuove forme di rappresentanza e nuovi rappresentanti emergono in competizione con quelli tradizionali politici in termini di consenso, sostegno popolare e dunque legittimità. Il presente lavoro vuole andare oltre il pensiero corrente e proporre un’interpretazione originale del modello istituzionale del BP come una forma nuova ed alternativa di democrazia rappresentativa, in cui le organizzazioni della società civile assumono un ruolo centrale: dietro al BP vi sarebbe una sorta di democrazia ‘civile’. Questo punto di vista alternativo non solo può stimolare un ulteriore dibattito in letteratura, ma aprire anche degli scenari interessanti in relazione ai temi più generali della crisi delle istituzioni liberal-democratiche e del ruolo e dell’identità della società civile. / Participatory Budgeting (PB) is probably the most famous and interesting example of innovative local governance for its redistributive and democratic effects. Due to the direct involvement of citizens in the decision-making process, PB is celebrated as an example of direct democracy which can help to deal with the limits of representative democracy. However, on closer analysis, it is possible to identify elements of representation in its functioning, which are taken into little consideration and which could probably modify the prevalent theoretical belief. In fact, as citizens usually participate through their groups and associations, new representatives emerge challenging the traditional channels of political representation in terms of popular approval, consensus, hence legitimacy. This work aims to go beyond the prevailing narrative and propose an original interpretation of the PB’s institutional model as a new and alternative representative democracy, where the main political actors become organizations from the civil society: behind PB there seems to lie a sort of ‘civil’ democracy. Hence, introducing this alternative viewpoint can, not only further questions which are never fully considered in the literature, but also open interesting scenarios in the debate over the crisis of liberal-democratic institutions and the role and the identity of civil society.

L’obiettivo di questa tesi è di valutare che tipo di modello per la gestione delle crisi l’Unione Europea (UE) ha elaborato attraverso l’adozione e l’attuazione del Trattato di Lisbona, ma anche di capire che impatto ha prodotto la sua interazione con lo scenario internazionale di sicurezza. L’analisi è condotta a tre livelli: (1) strategico – elaborazione o revisione di concetti, politiche e documenti quadro; (2) istituzionale – creazione e riorganizzazione delle strutture di riferimento e dei processi decisionali; (3) operativo – pianificazione e gestione delle missioni civili e militari sul terreno. Lo scopo finale è quello di verificare se l’approccio dell’UE alla gestione delle crisi può considerarsi efficace per affrontare i possibili scenari futuri e come possa essere migliorato sulla base delle esperienze più recenti. / The objective of this thesis is to assess what kind of crisis management model the European Union (EU) has elaborated through the adoption and implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon and what is the impact produced by its interaction with the international security context. The analysis is conducted at three different levels: (1) strategic – elaboration or review of concepts, policies and framework documents; (2) institutional – establishment or reorganization of structures and decision-making process; (3) operational – planning and conduct of civilian and military missions on the ground. The final aim is to evaluate whether the EU’s approach to crisis management will be able to face up possible future scenarios and how this model might be improved on the basis of most recent experiences.

Nell’aprile 1982, l’Argentina – un Paese alleato degli Stati Uniti attraverso il Patto di Rio – invase le isole Falkland, un Territorio d’Oltremare del Regno Unito, rivendicato da Buenos Aires sin dal XIX secolo. Margaret Thatcher, l’allora Primo Ministro britannico, rispose con vigore. Alla fine la Gran Bretagna – alleato NATO degli USA – riuscì a riconquistare le isole e a ristabilire lo status quo ante. Il conflitto va inquadrato nel framework della ‘seconda Guerra Fredda’. Il confronto tra gli Stati Uniti e l’Unione Sovietica fu particolarmente aspro nei primi anni Ottanta e la logica bipolare influenzò le dinamiche diplomatiche della guerra del 1982. Da un lato, l’Emisfero occidentale era al centro della rinnovata strategia americana anti-comunista e l’Argentina era il principale pilastro nel Cono Sud. Dall’altro lato, il rafforzamento della ‘speciale relazione’ anglo-americana costituiva la pietra angolare della grand strategy statunitense nel teatro europeo. Con questo sfondo, è naturale domandarsi quale ruolo Washington scelse di giocare nella guerra delle Falkland tra due dei suoi alleati. A causa di interessi divergenti, la ‘relazione speciale’ non fu infatti del tutto speciale. / In April 1982, Argentina – a country allied with the United States through the Rio Pact – suddenly invaded the Falkland Islands, a long-time Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom, disputed by Buenos Aires since the XIXth century. Margaret Thatcher, the then British Prime Minister, vigorously responded and finally Britain – a US NATO ally – was able to regain the Islands and re-establish the status quo ante. The conflict needs to be contextualized in the ‘second Cold War’ framework. The struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union was particularly tough in the first years of the 1980s and the bipolar logic strongly influenced the diplomatic course of the 1982 war. On the one hand, the Western hemisphere was at the core of the renewed anti-communist US strategy and Argentina was the main pillar in the Southern Cone. On the other hand, the strengthening of the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was the European cornerstone of the US grand strategy. Against this background, what kind of role the US chose to play in the Falklands war between two of their allies instinctively arises as the main question. Affected by diverging interests, the ‘special relationship’ was not indeed entirely special.