This dissertation focuses on the experience of childlessness, which is an increasing one across European Countries. Namely, it deals with the socio-economic drivers and consequences that distinguish the life of childless individuals from that of parents. Mirroring each phase of a hypothetical individual lifecycle, it starts by analysing how intentions to be childless are later realised their realizations (Chapter 2). It then goes on to investigate the individual and contextual determinants of childlessness and how they have changed over time (Chapter 3 and Chapter 4). Last it considers the consequences that childlessness might induce in adulthood and later life (Chapter 5). This is done by combining demographic and sociological perspectives in a joint interpretative framework. Overall the thesis shows that both economic contraints and individual values has a role in determining the choice of a childless life, and highlights how these decisions are taken in contexts where a purality of macro factors interacts in moderating the indivdidual risk of being childless. Understanding the drives to childlessness is relevant also when interpreting the potential effects that being childless has on the life of individuals. All in all, the study shows that the consequences of being childless also depend on how people came to be without children.

The foundations of this work of research derived by the demonstration that the health is conditioning of a multiplicity by factors, the control of which is not exercised by the only health care system. Health inequalities, representing one of the most unjust and severe inequitable forms because health is one of the pre-conditions in order to live out fully individual life. Health inequality constitutes one of the worst scandals of our time, especially in developed and democratic countries. The theme of health inequalities is a subject beloved to the sociology, because their analysis allows, either to observe the social dynamics, either to understand as the social differences are distributed between the individuals within the society, especially with the current global economic crisis. The main objective of this study is, using comparative analysis, identify and distinguish the inequalities in health in the relationship between social conditions, risk factors, territorial context and state of health of the population, in two European countries (France and Italy), in order to understand their dynamics and as the territorial context affects the inequalities of health of individuals. Through a transnational approach this research project identifies differences and similarities between the two case studies. The results from our analysis, demonstrate the existence of "unexpected" similarities between groups of French and Italian people, despite different characteristics of social welfare and health systems.

This doctoral thesis seeks to explore the socio-political economy of antiretroviral treatment (ART) as an HIV prevention strategy in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and, specifically, in Mozambique. We begin with a look at the social construction of HIV in SSA as a ‘sexually transmitted disease’ despite its very low transmission efficiency through heterosexual sex. This inordinate focus on sexual transmission in SSA to the exclusion of other routes of transmission (i.e.: blood-borne transmission) not only allows new infections to continue to occur in areas that do not receive attention, but also has both fed and been fed by a political and social climate that paints an extraordinarily negative picture of those who are infected with HIV. Alternatives to the ineffective and misguided sexual behavior prevention paradigm are introduced to conclude Chapter 1. Chapter 2 then explores, in depth, the most efficacious form of HIV prevention currently in existence: antiretroviral treatment (ART) for infected persons. ART for an infected partner is 96% effective at preventing transmission of HIV to an uninfected partner. Due to this startlingly high efficacy and recent increases in coverage, we may be preventing more new cases of HIV annually through ART than through the use of condoms and abstinence combined in Mozambique. The financial implications of a paradigmatic shift to explicitly considering ART as a prevention strategy are discussed, particularly as they relate to PEPFAR's very specific regulations for the allocation of funds. As PEPFAR funding constitutes over 95% of Mozambique's HIV-specific funding, these regulations and earmarks have created deep path dependence and whittled away at national and local ownership of policy. The third chapter of this thesis then focuses on Mozambique's severe human resources for health constraints and current efforts in health systems strengthening. These strategies include task shifting and human resources scale-up, issues which, while being general to the health system, are also inordinately important for continued ART scale-up. The fourth and final chapter contains the case study in Maputo, Mozambique. This qualitative study attempts to examine the effects of the sexual behavior prevention paradigm on people living with HIV and receiving ART. As these patients are our best hope for halting the HIV epidemic, it will be important for us to view our decades-old prevention messages from their point of view and understand how these messages may also affect their adherence as well as their willingness to be tested initially and to enroll in treatment. The interviews were carried out with patients, guardians of pediatric patients and clinicians at two health facilities in Maputo. Analysis of these interviews supports the hypothesis that traditional prevention messages found in public health campaigns, the media and in health facilities themselves, may be creating and exacerbating stigma that discourages people living with HIV to be tested and treated.

Political inclusion of migrants is at the heart of contested scholarly and political debate. The increasing diversity of European democracies and the exclusion of a large part of the resident population from the political process raise questions about social cohesion and the quality of democracy. In the absence of voting rights for migrant residents, associations are often considered as an alternative for voice, representing migrants and defending their interest in the political process. Yet, little is known about the conditions favoring the political inclusion of migrant associations. Studies on migrants associations tend to consider migrant organizations as discrete units acting independently from each other. Yet, migrant associations do not act in a vacuum and are embedded in webs of relations as well as in a wider political context. Social movement scholars implicitly acknowledge an interaction between institutional and relational context in affecting collective action, but studies analyzing this interaction are scarce. Considering only one of the two structures in which associations are embedded might lead to wrong conclusions as to what fosters political inclusion. Thus, the objective of this study is twofold. First it attempts to link two traditions in the social movement literature: the political opportunity theory and the relational approach. Second, it aims at furthering our knowledge on the mechanisms linking the embeddedness of migrants associations in an institutional and a relational context and their political inclusion. Empirically, this study analyzes network structures in the field of immigration and the political inclusion of migrant organizations in Lyon and in Zurich. To analyze network structures the study draws on a relational approach to social movements that provides useful tools for comparing networks across contexts by defining a typology of modes of coordination of collective action. Modes of coordination are the mechanisms through which resources are allocated within collectivities but also how collective representation are elaborated as well as collective identities. The specific opportunities in the field of immigration draw on the citizenship approaches of nation-states to define the opportunities in the field. Two dimensions of political opportunty structures are defined. An institutional dimension, which refers to the rights and duties offered to immigrants as well as the institutional channels available to them, but also resources to actors acting in the field. The cultural dimension refers to the notions of citizenship and national identity that act as discursive opportunities and provide public recognition of different identities in the field. The main argument of this study is that the specific institutional and discursive opportunities in the field of immigration affect the network structure of migrant organizations and that the political inclusion of migrant organizations is affected by the interaction of both structures. Drawing on the social movement literature, this study analyzes the effect of the specific opportunity structure in the field of immigration on network structure and the political inclusion of migrant organizations. The results show that migrant organizations adapt to the specific opportunities when creating alliances, and the networks that emerge vary between the cities under study. Indeed, associations tend to create alliances on the basis of their access to institutional channels, and the publicly recognized identities in the field. Moreover, it shows that the interaction of the opportunity structure and the network structure affects political inclusion of migrant associations. Indeed, the embeddedness of associations in similar relational structures has different outcomes for political inclusion according to the context. The study concludes by stating that analyzing the interaction of specific political opportunity structures and network structures is necessary to get a better understanding of the conditions favoring or hindering the political inclusion of migrant organizations.

This dissertation examines contemporary intergenerational inequalities and life chances, centering on how social origin shapes today’s labor market achievements. The overarching question guiding this work is whether the recent structural and institutional shifts impacting the stability and security of work-life trajectories have fostered greater equality of opportunity, reinforced existing disparities, or even generated new ones. The research unfolds through four empirical chapters, each engaging with the broader theoretical framework, and employing and developing advanced methodological approaches. The first chapter delves into the repercussions of macro-level institutional transformations on work-life trajectories in Germany and the UK, revealing country-specific nuances in exposure and economic penalties associated with accumulated employment instability across birth cohorts. The second chapter broadens the perspective by revealing that family background significantly influences exposure to income and earnings volatility across the lifecycle, over and above the levels of individuals’ resources, with institutionally driven variations between Denmark, Germany, and the United States. Moving to specific life course junctures, the third chapter illustrates how flexibilization-driven inequalities during the school-to-work transition interact with intergenerational social inequalities, in Italy more than in Germany. This research highlights that only Italian workers from advantaged family backgrounds manage to offset occupational penalties resulting from unstable labor market entry. The final chapter, focusing on the UK labor market and using an experimental design, unveils significant discriminatory tendencies favoring candidates with high-status backgrounds, intersecting gender, and parenthood. Through these empirical contributions, this dissertation advances our understanding of evolving intergenerational inequalities, emphasizing the importance of adopting a life-course perspective for a comprehensive analysis.

Lo studio analizza la relazione tra diversi principi di legittimazione dell’autorità in Iran dopo la rivoluzione del 1979. La tripartizione weberiana dei tre idealtipi di autorità legittima (carismatica, tradizionale, razionale-legale) viene utilizzata come strumento di indagine per analizzare la fase rivoluzionaria, con l’emergere del suo leader carismatico, ayatollah Khomeini, e la successiva fase di istituzionalizzazione della rivoluzione concretizzatasi nell’edificazione della Repubblica islamica. Dopo una riflessione preliminare sul concetto di autorità nel pensiero politico occidentale, utile a individuare le categorie che vengono spesso utilizzate quando si analizza la Repubblica islamica, il fuoco dell’indagine si sposta sul contesto iraniano, nella sua doppia componente identitaria pre-islamica e islamica sciita, utile a individuare e comprendere che cosa si possa intendere per autorità religiosa tradizionale. La ricerca prosegue poi con l’analisi del momento rivoluzionario; l’ayatollah Khomeini viene studiato come leader religioso e politico e come portatore di un messaggio rivoluzionario, di rottura non solamente con l’ordine politico precedente ma anche e soprattutto con la tradizione religiosa sciita. Si analizza poi la fase di istituzionalizzazione del decennio 1979-1989, a partire da una riflessione sulla Costituzione del 1979 e sui suoi emendamenti del 1989. Il capitolo conclusivo muove proprio da questi emendamenti: le difficoltà dell’istituzionalizzazione – identificata come dissonant institutionalization – emergono durante il mandato di Ali Khamenei, attuale Guida suprema, aprendo un dibattito circa il futuro dell’autorità religiosa sciita tradizionale, marjayat, e circa il futuro del principio dell’autorità così come reinterpretato da Khomeini, velayat-e faqih. / This thesis investigates the relation between different principles of legitimate authority in Iran after the 1979 revolution. Weber’s tripartite classification of authority (charismatic, traditional, rational-legal) is used as a tool for investigating ayatollah Khomeini’s charismatic revolution and the ensuing phase of institutionalization which culminated in the establishment of an Islamic republic. The first part of the thesis deals with the concept of authority, both in the Western and in the Iranian tradition. With specific reference to the Iranian context, the two elements that make up Iranian doctrine of authority, pre-Islamic and Shiite, are analyzed. The research then focuses on the analysis of the revolution: ayatollah Khomeini’s authority, in both its political and religious elements, is investigated. The dissonant institutionalization of the 1979-1989 decade is then examined, leading to a reflection on the difficulties of the Khamenei era. Among these, the growing concern about the future of Shiite traditional religious authority, marjayat, and, though indirectly, the growing doubts about the future of the Khomeinist doctrine of velayat-e faqih.

Questo studio sviluppa un originale indicatore di rischio corruzione negli appalti pubblici Italiani e stima la correlazione tra le caratteristiche delle aziende aggiudicatarie e l’indicatore di rischio corruzione precedentemente stimato. L’indicatore di rischio corruzione è costruito a partire dai residui statistici di una procedura semi-parametrica a due stadi. Nella prima fase, i contratti dei lavori pubblici sono comparati per identificare l’inefficienza relativa di ciascun lavoro pubblico sulla base di due variabili predefinite – costi aggiuntivi e ritardi nella fase di esecuzione del contratto – attraverso una tecnica di valutazione delle performance (DEA). Nella seconda fase, l’indicatore di inefficienza generato nella prima fase è spiegato attraverso l’uso di determinanti di inefficienza, escludendo il fattore della corruzione che è trattato separatamente. Nella terza fase, i residui di stima sono trasformati in nuovi punteggi di rischio corruzione a livello di contratto pubblico. I risultati suggeriscono che: (1) le stazioni appaltanti ad elevato rischio corruzione si trovano maggiormente nel Lazio, in Lombardia e in Toscana; (2) le aziende aggiudicatarie ad alto rischio corruzione risiedono maggiormente nel Centro Italia (Abruzzo, Umbria e Lazio) e nel Sud Italia (Campania e Basilicata). Successivamente, l’esercizio di valutazione del rischio corruzione è mirato all'identificazione delle caratteristiche aziendali associate ad un rischio elevato di corruzione. I risultati suggeriscono che le aziende che si aggiudicano contratti ad alto rischio di corruzione sono più orientati alla ricerca del profitto, detengono meno debiti e necessitano mediamente di maggior tempo per pagare i loro clienti. Infine, queste aziende hanno maggiori probabilità di avere legami legali e/o finanziari con giurisdizioni off-shore e paradisi fiscali. / This study develops an original corruption risk indicator at the Italian procurement level and estimates the correlation between the profile of contract suppliers and the corruption risk indicator in question. This corruption risk indicator relies on a residual approach following a two-stage, semi-parametric procedure. First, public work contracts are benchmarked to investigate the relative efficiency of each public work execution based on two predefined variables – cost overrun and time delay – using a data envelopment analysis (DEA). Second, DEA efficiency scores are regressed on environmental and contract-level determinants of inefficiency – excluding corruption which is treated separately. Third, the estimate residuals provide estimates of the potential risk of corruption at the contract level. The aggregated results from an updated Italian public procurement dataset suggest that: (1) the risk of corruption associated with contracting authorities prevails in larger urban areas, especially in Lazio, Tuscany and Lombardy; (2) the risk of corruption in relation to the location of firms is higher in central regions (Abruzzo, Umbria and Lazio) and southern regions (Campania and Basilicata). Then, a risk-based assessment exercise is performed to profile suppliers. The corruption risk indicator is regressed on suppliers’ financial and ownership data to identify patterns among firms winning risky contracts. Suppliers associated with high levels of corruption risk in public contracting are more profit-seeking, hold low levels of debts and on average need more days to pay their customers. Finally, suppliers involved in public work contracts at high risk of corruption are more likely to have legal and/or financial connections with off-shore jurisdictions and tax havens which might use financial and corporate secrecy to attract illicit financial flows.

La tesi si propone di portare alla luce la figura di Edoardo Martino. Parlamentare dalla I alla IV legislatura, più volte sottosegretario alla Presidenza del Consiglio al fianco di De Gasperi (V-VII gabinetto) e sottosegretario alla Difesa e agli Affari esteri in successivi Governi (Pella, Fanfani, Segni, Leone). Designato come mero della delegazione italiana all'Assemblea parlamentare europea e al Parlamento Europeo, fu presidente della Commissione politica di quest'ultimo dal 1964 al 1967, quando venne designato come Commissario per le relazioni esterne delle Comunità nella commissione guidata da Jean Rey. / This work enlightens the political experience of Edoardo Martino, Italian and European political man from 1947 to 1970. He was deputy in the national parliament from 1947 to 1967, under-secretary in many Italian governments (De Gasperi, Pella, Fanfani, Segni, Leone) and one of the members of Italian delegation in the European Parliament until 1967, when he became member of the first unified Commission of the European communities leaded by the President Jean Rey.

Le recenti trasformazioni dei sistemi politici suggeriscono la necessità di ripensare il rapporto fra l’ideale democratico e il concetto di qualità. I mutamenti e le pretese della rappresentanza politica, infatti, appaiono sempre più inconciliabili con le teorie che, fino a pochi decenni fa, apparivano granitiche e (quasi) immodificabili. L’obiettivo di questa tesi è quello di argomentare tali assunti, non senza prima soffermarsi su alcune questioni preliminari: a livello teorico, cosa si deve intendere per qualità? Quale rapporto può realisticamente intrattenere con il sistema democratico? E, quindi, la qualità può essere selezionata? Le risposte a simili quesiti passano attraverso un approfondimento del rapporto (inevitabile) fra i governanti e i governati, considerato il canale più affidabile per osservare la ‘qualità’ come idea-concetto e per percepire gli effettivi cambiamenti che proietta sulla rappresentanza politica. / The recent transformations of political systems suggest the need to rethink the relationship between the democratic ideal and the concept of quality. Indeed, changes and demands in political representation look increasingly incompatible with the theories that seemed lasting and (almost) immutable until a few decades ago. The aim of this dissertation is to discuss these assumptions, after dwelling on some preliminary questions. At the theoretical level, what is quality? Which relationship can it realistically have with the democratic system? And, therefore, can quality be selected? To answers such questions, the dissertation goes through an in-depth analysis of the (inevitable) relationship between rulers and the ruled. This relationship is considered the most reliable channel both to observe ‘quality’ as an idea-concept and to perceive the actual changes that it projects on political representation.

L’obiettivo di questa tesi è analizzare il baratto online, come pratica emergente di resistenza per evidenziare la dimensione politica del consumo e dello scambio. Il lavoro si sviluppa all’interno di un frame teorico che fa riferimento all’approccio sociologico conflittuale di Gramsci e Simmel, arricchito dall’apporto della politologa Chantal Mouffe, attraverso il quale il conflitto viene inteso come dimensione ontologica della realtà sociale. A partire da questa prospettiva, la storia e la struttura dei campi del consumo e dello scambio sono analizzati, attraverso la letteratura sociologica, antropologica ed economica, mettendo in evidenza i modelli egemonici che ne definiscono i confini simbolici. La tesi chiarisce fino a che punto il baratto possa essere considerato una pratica contro-egemonica, ovvero una pratica che si insinua nelle maglie di una rete di significati determinati da forze egemoniche, costruendo significati alternativi. La base empirica di ricerca è costituita da materiale raccolto attraverso l’utilizzo di metodi propri della ricerca non-standard, svolgendo un’etnografia digitale in tre siti internet dedicati al baratto e 22 interviste biografiche con i loro utenti. La tesi elabora dunque una definizione del baratto contemporaneo declinato nelle sue varie forme e ricostruisce la fenomenologia del baratto online. In conclusione, la tesi propone di considerare il baratto come una tattica, nell’accezione di de Certeau, messa in pratica da attori sociali che avanzano istanze di partecipazione in processi decisionali democratici, volti a stabilire il valore degli oggetti, così come i valori sociali di riferimento. Attraverso questo lavoro, il baratto mostra dunque la sua natura profondamente sociale e politica. / The aim of this thesis is to analyse the online barter, as an emergent phenomenon of resistance, in order to reveal the political dimension of consumption and exchange. The work develops within a theoretical frame referring to the sociological conflicting approach of Gramsci and Simmel, enhanced by the contribution of the political scientist Chantal Mouffe. Through this approach conflict is conceived as an ontological dimension of social reality. In the light of this perspective, the history and the structure of the fields of consumption and exchange are analyzed, through the sociological, anthropological, and economics literature, to highlight the hegemonic models which define their symbolical borders. The thesis analyses until which extent barter can be considered a counter-hegemonic practice, that is, a practice sneaking in the meshes of a net of meanings defined by hegemonic forces, creating alternative meanings. The empirical material was collected through non-standard methods, conducting a digital ethnography in three websites dedicated to barter, and 22 biographic interviews with their users. The thesis elaborates a definition of contemporary barter, declined in its different forms, and it reconstructs the phenomenology of the online barter. In conclusion, the thesis argues that barter is a tactic, in de Certeau’s sense, adopted by social actors claiming more participation in democratic decision-making processes, intended to establish the value of objects, as well as the social values. Through this work, the deep political and social nature of barter is hence revealed.