Thesis (MInternationalStudies)--University of South Australia, 2007.

Thesis (MInternationalStudies)--University of South Australia, 2007.

<p>Maras in Guatemala are gangs of young people, with rules of own con-duct and determined by showed cultural signs in the language, tattoos and clothes. They haven`t to be seen like an isolated phenomenon from the essence of the economic and social system of Guatemala, because they are like bi-products of the exclusion and the poverty. Also, an re-sultate from the asymmetrical globalisation; understanding them like parts of a same process: the forced migration and its counterpart the de-portation. The violence is the mark of maras and also it has been a con-stant in Guatemalan history. The violence in the post-conflict society, explains the learned violent forms during the civil war, that now im-pregnate the social structures, producing a structural violence with ele-ments of brutality.</p><p><b>Síntesis:</b></p><p>Las maras en Guatemala, son pandillas juveniles que tienen reglas pro-pias de comportamiento y se determinan por signos culturales manifes-tados en el lenguaje, la ropa y los tatuajes. No deben ser vistas como un fenómeno aislado del sistema económico y social de Guatemala, porque son en realidad bi-productos de una globalización asimétrica; entendién-dolas como partes de un mismo proceso: la migración forzada y su con-trapartida la deportación. La violencia es la marca de las maras y tam-bién ha sido una constante en la historia de Guatemala. La violencia en la sociedad de post-conflicto, se explica como de tipo estructural con elementos de brutalidad.</p>

Maras in Guatemala are gangs of young people, with rules of own con-duct and determined by showed cultural signs in the language, tattoos and clothes. They haven`t to be seen like an isolated phenomenon from the essence of the economic and social system of Guatemala, because they are like bi-products of the exclusion and the poverty. Also, an re-sultate from the asymmetrical globalisation; understanding them like parts of a same process: the forced migration and its counterpart the de-portation. The violence is the mark of maras and also it has been a con-stant in Guatemalan history. The violence in the post-conflict society, explains the learned violent forms during the civil war, that now im-pregnate the social structures, producing a structural violence with ele-ments of brutality. &lt;b&gt;Síntesis:&lt;/b&gt; Las maras en Guatemala, son pandillas juveniles que tienen reglas pro-pias de comportamiento y se determinan por signos culturales manifes-tados en el lenguaje, la ropa y los tatuajes. No deben ser vistas como un fenómeno aislado del sistema económico y social de Guatemala, porque son en realidad bi-productos de una globalización asimétrica; entendién-dolas como partes de un mismo proceso: la migración forzada y su con-trapartida la deportación. La violencia es la marca de las maras y tam-bién ha sido una constante en la historia de Guatemala. La violencia en la sociedad de post-conflicto, se explica como de tipo estructural con elementos de brutalidad.

No description available.

The Northern Triangle area made up by El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras faces a growing gang phenomenon responsible for the growth of violence and instability in the region. Many factors have contributed to the rise of gangs in the region, however, I argue that the deportation of Central American immigrants who became active gang members in the United States play a significant role in the growth of gangs. I analyze the impact of the lack of collaboration between the United States and the nations of the Northern Triangle, especially in the lack of reintegration programs and the other factors that could have influenced or spurred the escalation of gang activity such as a failed recovery process following the civil wars of the 1970s and 1980s and the state repression policies. Furthermore, I assess how the lack of collaboration between the United States and Northern Triangle region in the deportation of criminal immigrants has impacted the transnationalization of the two largest Central American gangs, Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18. Due to the lack of quantitative data on gang size and membership, I conduct my analysis utilizing various studies that have been conducted in the three nations and data regarding homicide and deportation rates. Ultimately, I find that while the U.S. deportees played an important role in altering the characteristics and nature of Central American gangs, a variety of other factors were significant in their growth. Additionally, I find their assignation as Transnational Criminal Organizations premature and inconclusive due to their weak organizational and communication structure. Finally, I question whether gangs are truly the cause of high levels of violence in each of the nations of the Northern Triangle, determining that the Central American gang phenomenon cannot be assessed or treated as a singular issue. Instead, it is imperative to acknowledge the conditions at play in each country.