The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of school policies aimed to reduce adolescent alcohol and marijuana use. More specifically, the study investigated whether more severe school policy measures are related to the increased or decreased instances of overall alcohol and marijuana use on and beyond school grounds among grade 10 and 12 students. I used data from the National Education Longitudinal Study (NELS). After controlling for a number of prior measures of environmental and demographic factors that are significant predictors of adolescent alcohol and marijuana use, the school policy measures showed no impact on either alcohol or marijuana use at any level of its consumption. This was true for both grade 10 and grade 12 students. The study’s findings suggest that instead of constructing punitive policy measure, policymakers should develop prevention and intervention programs that more specifically target the needs of adolescents, peers, parents, and teachers.

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of school policies aimed to reduce adolescent alcohol and marijuana use. More specifically, the study investigated whether more severe school policy measures are related to the increased or decreased instances of overall alcohol and marijuana use on and beyond school grounds among grade 10 and 12 students. I used data from the National Education Longitudinal Study (NELS). After controlling for a number of prior measures of environmental and demographic factors that are significant predictors of adolescent alcohol and marijuana use, the school policy measures showed no impact on either alcohol or marijuana use at any level of its consumption. This was true for both grade 10 and grade 12 students. The study’s findings suggest that instead of constructing punitive policy measure, policymakers should develop prevention and intervention programs that more specifically target the needs of adolescents, peers, parents, and teachers.

BACKGROUND: This study sought to identify factors associated with school personnel’s support for tobacco- free policies in Uganda in 2007 and 2011. METHODS: Data were obtained from the combination of the 2007 (n=515) and 2011 (n=682) Ugandan Global School Personnel Survey (GSPS). Analyses included chi-square statistics and multivariate logistic regression. RESULTS: Of the participants, 92.9% supported the tobacco- free policies and 61.9% (n=727) of the schools had a policy restricting tobacco use within the school premises by personnel and students. However only 52.8% (n=370) of those with school policy reported complete enforcement of the school policy. A greater proportion of non-smokers than smokers were in support of a school policy (94.8% vs. 57.7%; p<0.05). Believing that teacher tobacco use influences student use (OR=8.9; 95% CI= 2.41- 33.47) and supporting increase in price of tobacco products (OR=6.4; 95% CI=1.34- 30.58) were significantly associated with support for policy. Those who supported school tobacco-free policy were also more likely to be of the opinion that tobacco industry should be allowed to sponsor school events (OR=4.4; 95% CI= 1.26- 15.23). CONCLUSIONS: Tobacco control interventions should promote personnel’s enforcement of the policies and raise awareness of Tobacco Industry Advertising Promotion and Sponsorship (TAPS) strategies. / Dissertation (MPH)--University of Pretoria, 2015. / tm2015 / School of Health Systems and Public Health (SHSPH) / MPH / Unrestricted

ABSTRACT RESTORATIVE DISCIPLINE AS AN ALTERNATE TO RETRIBUTIVE DISCIPLINE WITHIN THE JUVENILE COURT SYSTEM: AN ANALYSIS OF THE METRO COUNTY JUVENILE COURT COMMUNITY RESTORATIVE BOARD by Ajamu A. Banjoko Giroux (2003) indicated that the prison industry has become a major economic industry with many states spending more money on prison reforms than on educational reforms. Juvenile delinquent behavior should be punished but fair treatment and equal rights for all human beings under the rule of law is paramount to punishment. Casella (2001) indicated that the prison population has sky-rocketed, and by 1995 forty-eight states passed laws to facilitate the prosecution of juveniles as adults and therefore children are placed in adult prisons where they are at a higher risk of not only attack and rape, but of suicide. The research established a rationale for restorative justice discipline as an alternate to punitive retributive discipline in order to potentially decrease the number of youth offenders facing incarceration. Crime control is the responsibility of all citizens not just the government and this responsibility reflects the foundational tenets of restorative justice. Bazemore and Umbreit (1995) suggested that restorative justice is not an alternative to punishment it is an alternate punishment to bad or unwanted behavior. A qualitative case study was used to analyze and explore the disciplinary functions and procedures of the Metro County Juvenile Court Community Restorative Boards. The perceptions of two board members and three juvenile court officials was analyzed in an effort to better understand how and why Community Restorative Boards implement restorative justice discipline toward youth offenders. Data were gathered through narrative interviews and participatory observations in order to better understand the emerging phenomenon of restorative discipline within the juvenile justice system as an alternate to punitive retributive discipline. The study analyzed the dynamics of the school to prison pipeline through zero tolerance school policies, examined the juvenile justice system and the sentencing of youth offenders in criminal court. The study also examined the usage of traditional retributive discipline and restorative discipline within the juvenile court system. The study provided empirical data that support the infusion of a complimentary or supplementary restorative justice disciplinary approach toward adjudicating youth offenders within the juvenile court system. Bazemore and Umbreit (1995) suggested that utilizing a restorative justice disciplinary model increases the opportunity for young people to be held accountable for their misbehavior by actively participating in the process of establishing consequences to help repair the harm that they have caused to an individual, the community, and themselves.

RETENTION OF ACCOMPLISHED VETERAN SOCIAL STUDIES TEACHERS by Russell Brett Hardin Almost 30 percent of new teachers flee the profession after just three years, and more than 40 percent leave after 5 years (Allen, 2005). Studies conducted by Borman and Dowling (2008), Guarino et al. (2006) and Ingersoll and Smith (2003) indicate that teacher attrition rates are also high in the later years of teaching careers. While these rates of attrition reflect both public and private school teachers, numerous studies have found that private schools see higher attrition rates, potentially damaging an independent school’s ability to fulfill its stated mission (Ingersoll, 2002; O’Keefe, 2001; Provasnik & Dorfman, 2005). While research exists about teacher attrition and retention issues in the early years (Borman & Dowling, 2008), limited research exists about the factors that impact retention of veteran teachers. The purpose of this study is to examine a specific school context in which many successful, veteran, social studies teachers have remained in the same school setting while teaching the same age groups and to determine why those teachers have returned to their classrooms each year. The focus of this study is: What are the factors that keep veteran social studies teachers engaged and excited about teaching and learning? To examine why veteran teachers have stayed in a specific school context teaching the same age groups, I used interviews, informal conversations, and document analysis to build narratives that reflect on the career paths of six teachers. Each of the six teachers who participated in this study taught at the same institution for over 15 years and has at least 20 years as a full-time instructor in the classroom. The qualitative research methodology of grounded theory provided the most appropriate guidelines and tools to examine this group of veteran teachers. The results of this study indicate that to retain veteran teachers, schools may want to consider providing teachers with substantial autonomy over curricula and actively support teachers in discerning and pursuing their own goals for professional development. Schools that are able to build a learning rich environment for their veteran teachers may be more likely to retain an engaged and successful faculty.

In this qualitative study, eight school policies against degrading treatment and bullying, which were applied in eight municipalities in six different counties in Sweden, were analyzed to study what interventions the schools used to prevent degrading treatment and bullying and what course of actions the schools took in case such behavior was shown. These policies were analyzed with thematic analysis, which involved finding codes in the qualitative data and developing them into themes within the data. As a result, the study showed that 130 interventions were used in these schools. These interventions were developed into 59 themes, which were categorized according to the frame factor theory, which included four frames: judicial, administrative, physical, and social frames. They were also categorized into five levels, at which they were applied: school-level, classroom-level, individual-level, school-level interventions that were applied by students, and security-level. The first three levels were taken from Olweus Bullying Prevention Program (OBPP), and the following two levels were constructed during the study. The results showed that the four frames and the interventions in them intervened more with each other than it was originally discussed in the frame factor theory, as well as with the different levels at which they were used. The results also suggested the necessity of a remodeling of the theory in the light of conclusions based on the data and changes in school as an institution caused by changes in society. Keywords: Middle school policies, thematic analysis, frame factor theory, degrading treatment, bullying.

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With the rise of vaccine preventable illness in the US, the importance of timely vaccinations in children remains a priority. Mandatory school vaccination requirements are effective because they are generally accepted by the public, they allow schools and immunization programs to share resources, and they serve as a safety net to ensure all school children are immunized appropriately regardless of race, socioeconomic status (SES), or access to medical care2. However, it has repeatedly been shown that low-income, urban minority children have higher rates of underimmunization11-13, 15,16. The city of Philadelphia has a disproportionately large number of undervaccinated students compared to the rest of the state36. Philadelphia also has the highest poverty rate in the 10 largest cities of the US, and the majority of those living in poverty are minorities37. Given that the majority of Philadelphia students attend Philadelphia public schools, and of those students, greater than 75% are minorities, the disparity follows established trends39. Understanding the beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors of guardians of students in the School District of Philadelphia regarding mandatory immunization requirements and their barriers to fulfilling mandatory requirements can help facilitate future compliance. Ultimately, this information can reduce the number of undervaccinated students in the city and bridge this gap dividing students along racial and SES lines. / Urban Bioethics

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Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-07-28T15:18:57Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Valdirene Alves de Oliveira - 2017.pdf: 3119529 bytes, checksum: bda16e1d8f1ec99692109bb5205e0bf0 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-07-28T15:19:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Valdirene Alves de Oliveira - 2017.pdf: 3119529 bytes, checksum: bda16e1d8f1ec99692109bb5205e0bf0 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-28T15:19:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Valdirene Alves de Oliveira - 2017.pdf: 3119529 bytes, checksum: bda16e1d8f1ec99692109bb5205e0bf0 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-11 / This research relates to the Line of Research State, Policies and History of Education within the Education Graduate Program from the Federal University of Goiás and aims at understanding how relations among the educational, political and economic fields were established in the definition of policies for high school in the period from 2003 to 2014, corresponding to Lula's presidency and to Dilma's first presidential term. In that regard, bibliographical researches were conducted in national periodical publications indexed by Capes as Qualis A1 and A2, electronically available; in the works presented in Anped's Working Groups 05 (State and Educational Policies) and 09 (Education and Work) and at the website Teses da Capes, in search for doctorate theses produced on educational policies for high school. The contemplated period in the bibliographical revision was wider than the research's focus. The investigation searched empirical elements among some agents of the educational field, who held positions in the federal government administration within the period studied and who collaborated with the study as interviewees, by the means of a scripted interview with semi-structured questions. The research outlined, during the bibliographical revision and conduction of interviews, the most relevant fields and agents in the disputes for the high school guidelines. The official documents referring to the educational policies for high school were mapped, as were the documents coming from the agents of the economic and political fields, considered in this study, by relevance and for reporting to high school directly or indirectly. The research started from the premise that the definition of an educational project relates to the trajectory of Brazilian education and highlights the disputes of conceptions and strategies of each historic moment. The investigation focused on the period from 2003 to 2014, aiming to learn the singularity of this moment to high school, in correlation to the fact that in the decade of 1990 the Brazilian education experienced relevant reforms, including the last stage of basic education. The hypothesis of a reconfiguration of high school, during the period from 2003 to 2014, touched part of the investigation, but the study allows the affirmation that despite the changes and advances from the educational policies implemented in the period, there was not a consolidation of a high school project substantiated by the conceptions outlined in the first actions of the period in question, as for example: integral formation, work as an educative principle, work, science and culture as curricular axes, therefore, there was not an effective reconfiguration. This approach lost power in the disputes inside and outside the educational field, in relation to the strengthening of the formative perspective angled towards a high school more aligned with the interests and demands of the economic field, as expression of the strength in the high school project outlined during Fernando Henrique Cardoso's presidential administration. The strategies used by the agents in the established game converged with the habitus peculiar to each field and, from 2003 to 2014, the economic field had the most success in its disputes, strategies, conceptions and project. The educational field lost symbolic capital among the agents of its own field and also before the political field, for reasons related to the political game of coalitions, strategies undertaken by each field and by the change in the field of power, which enabled for the agents of the economic field a better disposition and position regarding the affirmation of their high school project. / Esta pesquisa insere-se na Linha de Pesquisa Estado, Políticas e História da Educação do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Universidade Federal de Goiás e objetiva compreender como se estabeleceram as relações entre os campos educacional, político e econômico na definição das políticas para o ensino médio no período de 2003 a 2014, correspondente aos governos Lula e primeiro mandato do governo Dilma. Para tanto, foram realizadas pesquisas bibliográficas em periódicos nacionais indexados pela Capes como Qualis A1 e A2, disponibilizados eletronicamente; nos trabalhos apresentados nos GTs 05 (Estado e Políticas Educacionais) e 09 (Educação e Trabalho) da Anped e no portal de Teses da Capes, em busca das teses de doutorado produzidas sobre as políticas educacionais para o ensino médio. O período contemplado na revisão bibliográfica foi mais ampliado do que o recorte da pesquisa. A investigação buscou elementos empíricos entre alguns agentes do campo educacional, que ocuparam funções na gestão do governo federal no período estudado e que colaboraram com o estudo, sob a forma de entrevistados, mediante um roteiro entrevista com questões semiabertas. A pesquisa delineou, durante a revisão bibliográfica e realização das entrevistas, os campos e agentes mais relevantes nas disputas pela pauta do ensino médio. Os documentos oficiais pertinentes às políticas educacionais para o ensino médio também foram mapeados, assim como os documentos oriundos dos agentes dos campos econômico e político, considerados nesse estudo, pela relevância e por se reportarem ao ensino médio, direta ou indiretamente. A pesquisa partiu da premissa que a definição de um projeto de educação perpassa pela trajetória da educação brasileira e coloca em relevo as disputas de concepções e estratégias de cada momento histórico. A investigação se debruçou sobre o período de 2003 a 2014, visando apreender a singularidade desse momento para o ensino médio, em correlação com o fato de que na década de 1990 a educação brasileira vivenciou reformas relevantes, inclusive na última etapa da educação básica. A hipótese de reconfiguração do ensino médio, durante o período de 2003 a 2014, perpassou parte da investigação, mas o estudo permite afirmar que, apesar das mudanças e avanços oriundos das políticas educacionais implementadas no período, não ocorreu a consolidação de um projeto de ensino médio, alicerçado pelas concepções delineadas nas primeiras ações do período em questão, por exemplo: formação integral, o trabalho como princípio educativo, o trabalho a ciência e a cultura como eixos curriculares, portanto não houve uma reconfiguração efetiva. Esse viés perdeu força nas disputas dentro e fora do campo educacional, em detrimento do fortalecimento do viés formativo voltado para um ensino médio mais condizente com os interesses e demandas do campo econômico, como expressão da força do projeto de ensino médio, delineado durante o governo FHC. As estratégias empreendidas pelos agentes, no jogo instaurado, convergiram com o habitus peculiar de cada campo e, no decorrer de 2003 a 2014, o campo econômico obteve maior êxito em suas disputas, estratégias, concepções e projeto. Já o campo educacional perdeu capital simbólico, entre os agentes do próprio campo e também junto ao campo político, por questões atreladas ao jogo político da coalizão, das estratégias empreendidas por cada campo e pela mudança no campo de poder, que possibilitou aos agentes do campo econômico uma melhor disposição e posição no tocante à afirmação de seu projeto de ensino médio.