The purpose of this thesis is to record the development of international criminal law by means of an analysis of the subject-matter jurisdiction of the few established international criminal tribunals. The first chapter will illustrate by a historical survey the evolution of the law and its impairment by an incoherent international realpolitik. Subsequently, the second chapter will analyze the present state of the law as reflected by the Statute of the ICC as well as the Statutes and jurisdiction of the ad hoc Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. It will thereby concentrate on the common elements of those crimes which form part of the jurisdiction of all the international criminal tribunals, i.e., "genocide", "crimes against humanity" and "war crimes." This thesis' intention is to examine both the originality and the imperfections of the present state of law.

<p> The study of institutions (i.e., "the rules of the game" in a society) has grown from a small fringe subject in the late 1980s to a massive pillar in the current study of International Political Economy. Two thing has become clear during the course of this growth and the involved research it entails: (1) institutional Quality (especially quality of governance and rule of law) has a determinant effect on the GDP development of a given countries economy and (2) institutional quality has a determinant effect on whether a country is either "cursed" or "blessed" with natural resource abundance (i.e., whether they are growth "winners" or "losers" in terms of GDP development. The purpose of this study is to determine whether the presence of abundant natural resources amplifies this determinant effect when controlled for nonresource abundant states, and if so to what extent. The study ultimately finds amplification of the effect of institutional quality on GDP per capita when controlling for natural resource abundance, ultimately suggesting that resource abundance can be either a "blessing" or a "curse" depending on preexisting institutional quality. Secondary findings indicate the existence of a "slippage" effect in institutional quality once natural resources are introduced to a given state's economy.</p>

<p> Central Asia has been a hotspot of terrorist activities and the drug trade for at least a decade. There are reasons for the prolonged unrest in this region. First, Afghanistan, as the lair for Al-Qaeda and the Taliban, is a seedbed of a terrorist threat, whilst also the world's biggest cultivation of opium. Given the opportunity that drug trafficking provides for financing terrorism it is unsurprising that the two, terrorism and narcotics trafficking, are combined. In the US Government's War on Drugs, the term 'Narco-Terrorism' is adopted to explain the known terrorist organizations engaging in drug trafficking to fund their activities. Countering the illicit drug trade is therefore vital to the overall struggle against international terrorism. Second, given the fragile status of the Central Asian states after obtaining independence following the disintegration of the former Soviet Union, they were vulnerable to both transnational organized crime and extremism. Third, the deviant globalization, which enabled the local illicit drugs connect with the international trafficking groups, and the illegal service providers like money launderers, so that the drugs can reach the international markets like Europe.</p><p> The situation in Central Asia is described by Mary Kaldor, in her <i> New and Old Wars</i>, as a new type of war, which is characterized with the identity politics, predatory economy, diasporas networks and globalization. The main actors of the new wars are non-state actors, which can be tackled only by a cosmopolitan approach with integration of international and national resources under greater institutionalized international cooperation. However, geopolitical disputes may undermine the prospects for cooperation. The competing interests of dominant state and organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization make it difficult to conceive the type of cooperation needed to deal with the increasingly transnational narco-terrorist threat. The paper will argue that realism is not the answer to narco-terrorism in Central Asia; a greater and institutionalized liberalist cooperation framework asserted by Mary Kaldor's new wars theory is needed to eliminate the roots of drug trafficking and terrorism.</p>

<p> This study sets out to review a comparison of membership within the United Nations Security Council and the Human Rights Council and how sexual orientation and gender (SOGI) rights are protected or promoted within a state's foreign policy. These states were selected due to the need of having a set within the 193 UN member states and by choosing the UNSC there is elimination of selection bias. Multilateralism carries many difficulties, and chief amongst this is the concept of human rights. Human rights in general are often contentious, and especially in the area of SOGI. Because SOGI rights are not explicitly guaranteed within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or any of the major Human Rights Conventions many states contend that they cannot be recognized as they are new rights. However, advocates for SOGI rights call for the principle of equality pointing out that these are not new rights, simply recognizing the importance of equal rights for all.</p><p> There is little work done already to emphasize how foreign policy engages with sexual orientation. Instead there is plenty of research supporting the marginalization and discrimination against people because of their SOGI. Most studies deal with domestic situations. This study as an interdisciplinary approach blends quantitative, qualitative and legal focuses within expressed foreign policy and attempts to determine if there is any relationship between states that are involved within the United Nations Security Council, the Human Rights Council, and SOGI foreign policy. After a thorough review of the backgrounds related to SOGI of each selected state, each state is then measured across 2 indices each comprised of 4 factors to attempt to begin a valuation of the two subjects. The results appear to reflect that those states that are more involved within the UNSC and the Human Rights Council do tend to have a better record on SOGI within their foreign policy. However, these results can only be preliminary as more research is needed to fully understand how these two variables can interact with each other.</p>

<p> There are many theories linking natural resource rents to violent conflict; few theories link rents to domestic political instability. Extending these theories to assess rents' relationship to political stability or instability yields thirty-three mechanisms by which rents affect political stability. I conduct case studies of the oil industries and political, economic, and societal factors present in C&ocirc;te d'Ivoire and South Africa and examine how the production and export of oil affects the political stability of these countries. I find that although these countries are not dependent on rents for their defense and welfare spending, rents contribute to both stability and instability in both countries.</p>

Present mechanisms to expand global initiatives in the frontier of space have intrinsic limitations. The dominant powers limit access to space technology by other nations on strategic grounds, thus preventing the emergence of international cooperation. / If existing patterns of space activities are maintained, the future of East-West and North-South relations in space will be one of growing tension. Four measures to bring about peaceful coexistence and growth in space, however, can be adopted by the international community. These are: (1) creation of an international satellite agency for the monitoring of arms movements and international crises; (2) establishment of measures to prevent deployment of weapons in space; (3) promotion of privatization of space technologies; (4) establishment of regional space agencies among developing countries.

No description available.

This thesis examines the wave of regionalism currently being experienced in international trade, which is manifested by the proliferation of free trade areas and customs unions, regional trade agreements (RTAs). This thesis attempts to determine whether regionalism is welfare-enhancing and is liberalising the global economy as envisioned by GATT Article XXIV. The answer is: not necessarily. / Chapter One briefly discusses the principle of non-discrimination and provides a general account of the recent development of RTAs. Chapter Two examines the economic and political-economic aspects of RTAs, while Chapter Three examines their legal aspects. To put the two chapters into perspective, a case study of the North American Free Trade Agreement is conducted in Chapter Four. Chapter Five suggests that the global economy should revert its attention back to the multilateral trading system and/or RTAs should incorporate "open regionalism" into their framework to effectively counter the diversionary problems they cause. In closing, Chapter Five introduces the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, which is the only regional trading arrangement that is openly pursuing "open regionalism" and "multilateralism", as a model for all RTAs and as a bridge between regionalism and multilateralism.

How does assistance for social, political and economic development interact with efforts to provide security in post-conflict societies? To study this interaction, this dissertation focuses on strategies for peace operations. Influenced by the human security agenda, peace operations have adopted a multi-sectoral approach, seeking to address the many sources of insecurity facing conflict-ridden societies. In fact, there is a growing awareness that to establish sustainable peace after an event of conflict or collapsed state, not only the domestic and/or international root causes of the conflict should be identified and addressed, but the elements fueling the vicious cycle of violence should also be tackled and eliminated. I found that several policy recommendations proposed to better integrate peace operations' activities reveal a strong disagreement about the relationship between development and security. From this debate, I derived three types of peacebuilding strategies; 1) the Security-only strategy proposes providing order and security first and leaving developmental assistance to specialized agencies, 2) the Sequential strategy promotes providing security and order first, and then assuming development-related tasks as a means to avoid contradictory effects, and 3) the Simultaneous strategy emphasizes the relationship between underdevelopment and conflict, thus urges the implementation of both security and development related tasks simultaneously. Using logitistic models corrected for temporally dependent data, I quantitatively test the effectiveness of these three strategies in establishing peace with a dataset I compile covering all civil wars from 1946 to 2006. This analysis shows that interventions designed with strategies prioritizing the establishment of security first (Security-Only and Sequential strategies) are more successful at terminating conflicts and achieving durable peace. The argument that multi-dimensionality increases the effectiveness of pe / Comment l'assistance apportée pour le développement social, politique et économique interagit avec les efforts pour rétablir et assurer la sécurité dans les sociétés sortant de guerre? Pour pouvoir étudier cette interaction, la thèse se concentre sur les stratégies des opérations de paix. Motivé par le souci de la sécurité humaine, les opérations de paix ont opté pour une approche multisectorielle, cherchant à identifier les diverses sources d'insécurité confrontées par les pays en question. En effet, on découvre de plus en plus que pour établir une paix durable dans un pays qui sort d'un conflit ou un pays effondré, il faut non seulement identifier et prendre en considération les causes originelles du conflit mais il faut aussi attaquer et éliminer les éléments qui causent le cercle vicieux de violence. J'ai noté que les recommandations de politiques proposées pour mieux intégrer les opérations de paix montrent des désaccords importants à propos des relations entre le développement et la sécurité. De ce débat, j'ai tiré trois types de stratégies de construction de paix: 1) la stratégie sécurité-seulement propose de fournir d'abord et avant tout l'ordre et la sécurité et de laisser l'assistance au développement aux services spécialisés, 2) la stratégie séquentielle promeut l'ordre et la sécurité avant le développement comme un moyen d'empêcher les effets contraires 3) la stratégie simultanée met l'accent sur la relation qui se trouve entre le sous-développement et le conflit, par conséquent propose l'implémentation des deux activités en même temps. En utilisant des model logistiques, j'ai testé quantitativement l'efficacité de ces trois stratégies pour rétablir la paix avec un dataset couvrant toutes les guerres civiles d'entre 1946 et 2006. Cette analyse montre que les interventions qui donnent la priorité à l'établissement de la sécurité avant tout ont obtenu un plus grand succès pour instau

An emerging phenomenon, which anticipates deregulation, liberalization of trade, and changes in competition law, is the increasing interaction among telecommunications carriers resulting in the formation of global alliances. These global alliances---on a larger scale---also involve broadcasting and computing companies that have been regulated in a totally different fashion. A likely consequence of this sweeping technological revolution is that telecommunications will gradually integrate and converge with these segments of the communications industry. / As part of this all-service-convergence trend, a number of key international telecommunications alliances (henceforth ITAs) are scrutinized. The thesis begins by canvassing leading business-organization theories that attempt to account for the emergence of ITAs. The first part concludes with the proposal of a multi-causal approach and the description of ITAs as hybrid organizations. The second part of the thesis canvasses legal responses to the emergence of ITAs and evaluates the institutional capacity of existing regulatory mechanisms. The goal of this study is to produce an analytical framework for how this newly globalized industry should be treated by legislators and policymakers.