Abstract Not Available.

Abstract Not Available.

Trade relations between the People's Republic of China ("PRC") and the Republic of China ("ROC") on Taiwan are complex because of their incompatible trade regimes, diverse political perspectives, different stages of economic development, and contrasting ideologies for legal arrangements. The central theme of this study is to propose solutions to regulate such complex trade relations. It also provides an analysis with respect to the substantive and procedural arrangements of a trade agreement between the PRC and the ROC. The study is divided into six chapters. Chapter one presents a factual background of PRC-ROC political and economic relations. Chapter two examines the main inconsistencies of PRC-ROC trade and economic regimes, which include problems such as the conflicting perspectives between trade liberalization and political control, the incompatibilities between centrally-planned and market economies, and the functions and limitations of legal arrangements for trade between both governments. Chapters three and four deal with the issues of trade restrictions for national security and foreign policy purposes as well as the prevention of market disruption. Chapter five discusses the impacts and applications of multilateral, regional and bilateral mechanisms for arranging PRC-ROC trade relations. Chapter six focuses on the procedural arrangements for concluding multilateral and bilateral trade agreements between the PRC and the ROC. This study concludes that a liberal perspective is an essential approach to maximize the economic benefits of PRC-ROC trade. Such an approach, however, may face difficulties such as governmental interventions which are sometimes inevitable for national security and foreign policy concerns. This study further indicates that political controls on trade activities between both governments should have limitations in order not to impair their own interests. On a long-term basis, PRC-ROC trade relations need to be liberalized and legalized. This study shows that the GATT system is the most appropriate mechanism in achieving the above purpose. Another option, which is available in case the GATT system breaks down, is the setting up of a regional or bilateral program to promote the regional or bilateral trade interests of the PRC and the ROC. It is hopeful that this study may serve two purposes. On a concrete level, it could provide a case study on the regulatory policies of PRC-ROC trade relations and propose alternative structures for future development. On a more general level, it could contribute to a better understanding of the nature and scale of the problems involved in the effort of linking two different types of economies, compounded by many aspects of conflicting political, economic, and legal characteristics.

Abstract Not Available.

No description available.

The UN Charter acknowledges the right of the UN Security Council to use force to address threats to international peace and security in case of acts of aggression. The Charter, however, does not expressly recognize the right to use force to protect the people of a State against their own governing authorities even when they face genocide, massive internal and external displacements of population, widespread violence, and mass starvation. In the post-Cold War era, the UN Security Council has authorized humanitarian intervention in Iraq (1991), in Somalia (1992), in the Former Yugoslavia (1992), and in Rwanda (1994). Although the cases each involve different circumstances, they share one momentous motive, that the Security Council determined that human rights violations in these countries had consequences which threatened international peace and security and thus, the Council invoked the provisions of Chapter VII of the UN Charter. These interventions have raised difficult questions of whether the UN Security Council's actions in cases of humanitarian crises or in cases of massive human rights abuses within a territory of a member state are legal under Chapter VII of the UN Charter or whether the Security Council's competence to use force under Chapter VII of the Charter is confined to cases of military aggression. The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate that under Chapter VII of the UN Charter the UN has the legal right to intervene for humanitarian purposes in the internal affairs of a member State. This thesis focuses on the Security Council interventions involving internal armed conflicts in which widespread human rights violations occur, with particular analysis of the Somalia crises. It concludes that current international law recognizes the legality of UN humanitarian intervention under Chapter VII of the UN Charter.

Cette these se veut etre une etude de cas allant au-dela des promesses politiques et du jargon economique afin de mieux cerner une perspective plus locale de la conjoncture internationale de mondialisation. Il s'agit d'etudier la perspective uruguayenne du Mercosur. Cette etude s'attardera a devoiler l'effet du Mercosur sur les marches moins globaux et les pays moins nantis economiquement Plus precisement, quel est l'effet du Mercosur sur notre pays cible, l'Uruguay? L'objectif principal de cette these est d'evaluer l'impact du Mercosur sur le developpement interne de l'Uruguay, plus precisement sur son developpement humain. Est-ce que le Mercosur a eu un impact positif sur l'economie uruguayenne et est-ce que le tout a mene a une amelioration du developpement humain en Uruguay? Des indicateurs socio-economiques specifiques seront utilises afin d'evaluer le niveau de developpement humain avant et apres la mise en place du Mercosur. L'hypothese de recherche est que le libre-echange, tout comme le precise William Knoke, a eu un effet positif sur l'economie de lUruguay et lui a permis de parfaire l'etat de son developpement humain. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis examines the perceptions of American policy-makers of U.S. hegemony. In particular, it looks at the effect globalization on that hegemony and the role that regionalism in the Western hemisphere is expected to play in the future of that hegemony. The thesis first examines the theoretical links in the literature between globalization American hegemony, and regionalism in the Western hemisphere. Once done, this thesis turns to understanding the perceptions of American policy-makers with respect to the perception of a threat to continuing U.S. hegemony. Finally, this thesis exposes the perceptions of American policy-makers as to the nature and role of regionalism as a response to the perceived threat to U.S. hegemony. From this work, we can conclude that the U.S. is potentially employing regionalism as a strategy to offset the perceived threat to its continuing hegemony. This perceived threat can be traced to globalization and its effect on the ability of the U.S. to maintain a preponderant level of control over the factors of hegemony.

Since 1993, only four years after its inaugural meeting, and the same year of its first meeting of heads of state in Seattle, Washington, the international economic organization known as Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) has been the site of opposition headed by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). These NGOs are concerned with issues such as human rights, gender, labour rights, migrant rights, democracy, and the environment. Almost every year the scope and sophistication of the opposition has grown. In order to account for this opposition, the thesis develops an alternative interdisciplinary perspective through the work of authors such as Claude Lefort, Enersto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, Jacques Derrida, and William Connolly. The thesis argues that APEC represents more than merely the outcome of interstate relations and/or economic globalization. Rather, its discourse contains representations of identity which obscure difference. This political move of APEC's discourse creates an antagonism to which respond the parallel NGO forums. In responding to this antagonism the NGO discourse opens the possibility for a deterritorialization of democracy. In order to envision this deterritorialization the thesis further argues that one must appropriate the theoretical vantage point of a model of 'agonistic democratic politics'.

La problématique générale aborde la question de la convergence nécessaire des rôles et fonctions de l'État associée à la mondialisation du système capitaliste libéral international. Elle cherche à savoir si les pressions inhérentes à la mondialisation agissent dans le sens d'une réduction du rôle de l'État à celui de facilitateur des mécanismes du marché dans un nouvel ordre international dominé par les normes de la gouvernance dite globale, dont les institutions financières internationales sont les principaux vecteurs. Â l'aide d'une perspective inspirée de l'oeuvre de Karl Polanyi, la thèse propose d'étudier la notion d'autonomie de l'État dans le domaine des politiques sociales pour le cas des pays en transition d'Europe de l'est. Une étude sur les réformes des pensions en Pologne et sur les réformes de la santé en Hongrie permettra d'envisager une possibilité de divergence par rapport aux limites imposées par le cadre idéologique libéral, divergence que l'on associera à une possibilité d'autonomie pour l'État dans le cas polonais.