Both the Second World War and the Korean War presented Hollywood with the opportunity to produce combat films that roused patriotic spirit amongst the American people. The obvious choice was to continue making the popular squad films that portrayed a group of soldiers working together to overcome a common challenge posed by the war. However, in the wake of various racial and ethnic tensions consistently unfolding in the United States from 1940 to 1960, it became apparent to Hollywood that the nation needed pictures of unity more than ever, especially if America was going to win its wars. Using combat as the backdrop, squad films consisting of men from all different backgrounds were created in order to demonstrate to its audiences how vital group cohesion was for the survival of the nation, both at home and abroad. This thesis explores how Hollywood’s war films incorporated racial and ethnic minorities into their classic American squads while also instilling the country’s inherent values of democracy.

Presented diploma thesis focuses on research and analysis of the only decoration founded in the name of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. It is not only focusing on the timeframe of the Second World War, but it also tracks the phenomenon of civil decorations and medals across entire modern Czech history. The main research question is following: why was not the preceding First Czechoslovak Republic creating similar institutions and why after 1945, or more precisely 1948, the time has come to create enormous inflation of them. The main aim of the thesis is to define the Honour Shield of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia as probably the very first civil decoration of modern Czech history. The thesis is not only focusing on the period of the occupation (1944-45), when the decoration was distributed. It also concentrates in detail on the previous thinking of the Nazi occupation authorities, which then resulted in founding of the decoration, together with the postwar retribution, with which were the awarded people confronted after 1945. The thesis is modifying so far common purely phaleristical approach to the topic, which it is supplementing with wider context. It is assessing the reaction of the Czech population on this particular award and on the term of honour, which it was supposed to...

Cette étude portant sur 17 journaux et 236 tracts conçus par des résistants allemands et autrichiens actifs en France pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale a permis d’en révéler les enjeux théoriques et de mieux connaître leurs auteurs, en réévaluant notamment le rôle des ressortissants autrichiens et des groupes de gauche non alignés sur la politique de la IIIe Internationale. Les messages transmis se classent en trois catégories chacune liée à l’objectif poursuivi, à savoir le recrutement, la visibilité et la définition du positionnement du groupe. On constate que quatre principaux types de lecteurs sont visés : en premier lieu les sympathisants potentiels parmi les soldats de la Wehrmacht, mais également les services de répression, les autres groupes de résistants et, enfin, les Alliés, à la fin du conflit. Une première partie analyse les productions de groupes initiés par les partis communistes. De 1941 à 1943, le Travail Allemand (TA) vise à restructurer les réseaux démantelés en 1939. À partir de 1943, les militants sont regroupés en fonction de leur nationalité dans de nouvelles organisations, le CALPO et l’ÖFF, dont les objectifs consistent non pas à réaliser des projets nationaux mais plutôt à étendre l’influence soviétique dans les nouveaux États après la guerre. La deuxième partie est dédiée aux Revolutionäre Kommunisten (RK) qui sont des communistes conseillistes autrichiens dénonçant toutes les autres forces en présence pour construire une société radicalement différente. Ce travail dresse un portrait précis et inédit de ce groupe et de ses évolutions théoriques de 1935 à 1944. Une troisième partie est consacrée à l’étude de groupes trotskystes qui souhaitent concurrencer les organisations des communistes mais qui manquent de moyens logistiques et matériels pour y parvenir. Ce groupe est actif de 1943 à 1944 et sa production s’arrête brutalement suite à une vague d’arrestations. Notre étude démontre que deux philosophies politiques coexistent et sont concurrentes. Les communistes cherchent à renverser le régime nazi pour rétablir les structures étatiques traditionnelles et accroître l’influence soviétique. Les RK et les trotskystes étendent les enjeux à la lutte contre le « capitalisme », et, ce faisant, dépassent par leurs actions ce que l’on entend habituellement par « résistance ». / This study of 17 newspapers and 236 flyers conceived by German and Austrian resistance fighters in France during World War II have revealed the theoretical issues and to provide better knowledge of the authors, by re-evaluating the role of Austrians and Left groups which were not aligned with the politics of the Third Communist International. The messages are classified in three groups each linked to the objective pursued; recruitment, visibility and the definition of the group’s position. We can see that there are four main types of readers targeted: the first group are the potential sympathizers among the Wehrmacht soldiers, but also the repression services, the other resistance groups and finally the Allies, at the end of the conflict. The first part analyses the production of organisations initiated by the German and Austrian communist parties. From 1941 to 1943, the Travail Allemand (TA) aimed to restructure the networks which had been dismantled in 1939. From 1943, the militants were regrouped into new organizations like the CALPO and ÖFF depending on their nationality. Their objectives did not consist of carrying out national projects but rather to extend Soviet influence in the new states after war. The second part is dedicated to the Revolutionäre Kommunisten (RK) who were Austrian revolutionary communists denouncing all the other forces involved to build a radically different society. This piece of work draws an original and precise portrait of this group and its theoretical evolutions from 1935 to 1944. The third part is devoted to the study of Trotskyist groups which would like to have competed with communist organizations but who lacked the logistic and material means necessary. This group was active from 1943 to 1944 and its production brutally stopped with a wave of arrests. Our study shows that two political philosophies coexist and compete. The communists want to overthrow the National Socialist government to reestablish the traditional administrative and political structures and increase Soviet influence. The RKs and Trotskyists widen the stakes to fight against capitalism and by doing so, exceed the actions that we usually call “resistance”.

<p>Orsakerna till andra världskriget är väl analyserade och finns berättat om i många verk. Det här arbetet applicerar två klassiska teorier, realism och liberalism på de orsaker till krig som Stephen Van Everas bok ”<em>Causes of War”</em> förtäljer. Syftet med arbetet är att undersöka, om det är möjligt, vilken av två utvalda teorier som bäst förklarar orsakerna <em>till krigen</em> under andra världskriget. Min problemformulering är: <em>Vad har realismen och liberalismen för syn på orsakerna till varför ett krig bryter ut och hur förklarar de i sådana fall orsakerna till andra världskriget?</em></p><p>  För att ge svar på de här frågorna kommer jag att använda mig av en kvalitativ textanalys. Metoden har två syften i arbetet. Det första är att ta reda på vad liberalismen och realismen har för syn på orsaker till krig. Det andra syftet är att utifrån <em>”Causes of War” </em>finna orsakerna till krigen som utspelades under det andra världskriget.</p><p>  De slutsatser jag kommit fram till genom appliceringen av teorierna på orsaker till krig, är att stater agerade utifrån ett realistiskt säkerhetspolitiskt tänk, vilket även bekräftar tidigare forskning inom ämnet. Det finns dock en spårbarhet av liberalism i orsakerna till varför länderna gick i krig med varandra. De liberalistiska förklaringarna av orsaker till krig har visat sig bestå av kollektiv säkerhet eller ett misslyckande i överstatliga överenskommelser. De realistiska förklaringarna av orsaker till krig utgörs av den egna statens säkerhet gentemot andra stater.</p> / <p>The causes of the Second World War are well analyzed and are described in several literatures. In this study two classical theories, realism and liberalism, are applied on the causes of war described in Stephan Van Everas book “<em>Causes of War”</em>. This essay aims to examine, if possible, which one of the above mentioned theories that best describes what caused the Second World War.</p><p>  Presentation of the problem: <em>What are the causes of war from a realistic and liberal perspective, and how can the theories explain the causes of the Second World War?</em></p><p>In order to answer these questions I use a qualitative text analysis. In the essay this method has two purposes. The first is to find out what realism and liberalism describes as causes of war. The second purpose is to find out, on basis of Stephen Van Everas <em>“Causes of War”,</em> what caused the wars during the Second World War.</p><p>  My conclusion is that states act on a basis of realism when they justify an act of war. This conclusion corresponds with former studies. However, there are also conclusions based on liberalism that describes causes of war between countries. These conclusions constitute collective security and failure of international agreements between states. According to the realist theory, the security of the state versus other states is a possible cause of war.</p>

Heather Metcalfe Doctoral Abstract, Ph.D. program, 2009 Department of History, University of Toronto “It’s All About War: Canadian Opinion and the Canadian Approach to International Relations, 1935-1939.” Canadians in the 1930s did not appear eager to focus on foreign affairs. The social and economic difficulties caused by the dislocation of the Great Depression meant that international developments often seemed remote and irrelevant. However, despite this focus on domestic issues, many Canadians were concerned with the trend of international events. As a result, the debate regarding the appropriate Canadian response remained an ongoing, if underlying, factor. In addition, the political issues raised by Canadian foreign policy, particularly through the Canadian involvement in the British Commonwealth and the League of Nations, meant the issue could not simply be ignored. During the later part of the decade, as the possibility of international conflict became ever more likely, increasing numbers of Canadians turned their attention to Canada’s international role. They also turned their attention to what this debate meant in terms of the Canadian sense of identity. These individuals were concerned as well with the response of Canadian public opinion to involvement overseas. This question, of the nature and susceptibility of Canadian public opinion to attempts to direct it, remains an intriguing one. The nature of this response remained open to question, and was the subject of significant debate among Canadian intellectuals, politicians and public figures. In response, a number of individuals and groups, including members of the Canadian press, attempted to influence Canadian public opinion. Many also pressured the Canadian government, led by William Lyon Mackenzie King’s administration, to play a more active role in shaping public opinion. Canadian intellectuals, for instance, influenced by contemporary writings on public opinion, seemed convinced of their natural role as ‘shapers’ of public opinion, particularly in a time of domestic and international crisis. These assumptions, and the ways in which Canadian public opinion both responded to, and rejected these attempts at direction, provide an interesting window into the question of public opinion, particularly in regards to international events. The debate regarding the Canadian response to the crises of the late 1930s can thus aid in gaining a greater appreciation of how public opinion shifts in response to outside challenges and the attempts to influence its course.

Heather Metcalfe Doctoral Abstract, Ph.D. program, 2009 Department of History, University of Toronto “It’s All About War: Canadian Opinion and the Canadian Approach to International Relations, 1935-1939.” Canadians in the 1930s did not appear eager to focus on foreign affairs. The social and economic difficulties caused by the dislocation of the Great Depression meant that international developments often seemed remote and irrelevant. However, despite this focus on domestic issues, many Canadians were concerned with the trend of international events. As a result, the debate regarding the appropriate Canadian response remained an ongoing, if underlying, factor. In addition, the political issues raised by Canadian foreign policy, particularly through the Canadian involvement in the British Commonwealth and the League of Nations, meant the issue could not simply be ignored. During the later part of the decade, as the possibility of international conflict became ever more likely, increasing numbers of Canadians turned their attention to Canada’s international role. They also turned their attention to what this debate meant in terms of the Canadian sense of identity. These individuals were concerned as well with the response of Canadian public opinion to involvement overseas. This question, of the nature and susceptibility of Canadian public opinion to attempts to direct it, remains an intriguing one. The nature of this response remained open to question, and was the subject of significant debate among Canadian intellectuals, politicians and public figures. In response, a number of individuals and groups, including members of the Canadian press, attempted to influence Canadian public opinion. Many also pressured the Canadian government, led by William Lyon Mackenzie King’s administration, to play a more active role in shaping public opinion. Canadian intellectuals, for instance, influenced by contemporary writings on public opinion, seemed convinced of their natural role as ‘shapers’ of public opinion, particularly in a time of domestic and international crisis. These assumptions, and the ways in which Canadian public opinion both responded to, and rejected these attempts at direction, provide an interesting window into the question of public opinion, particularly in regards to international events. The debate regarding the Canadian response to the crises of the late 1930s can thus aid in gaining a greater appreciation of how public opinion shifts in response to outside challenges and the attempts to influence its course.

The subject of Canada’s policy-making in relation to the Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945) has been neglected for over half a century. Therefore neither the scope of Canada’s official assistance to the Chinese during their War of Resistance against Japan nor the motivations behind this assistance have been fully explained or adequately contextualized. Through research using archival records and other primary and secondary sources, the thesis sheds light on the ways in which Canadians chose to respond to Chinese efforts to secure an ally against Japan. Revealing unscrupulous opportunism on the Canadian side during China’s struggle against Japan, the thesis contributes to a revisionist trend which takes aim at romantic mythology about Canadians’ virtuous role in the Second World War. From 1931 to 1941, the Government of Canada sought to maintain a neutral position regarding Japanese encroachments in China. This was partly to honour a friendship established in the First World War but also to protect Canadian exporters’ valuable sales of strategic minerals to Japan. After the attack on Pearl Harbor, pro-Japanese sympathy among Canadians eroded and trade with Japan became politically untenable. In 1942, already five years after the beginning of full-scale war between Japan and China, the Canadian government began preparations to provide material assistance to the beleaguered Chinese. Increasing dialogue between Mackenzie King and Chiang Kai-shek, especially communications through Chiang’s wife Song Meiling, nurtured a promising friendship despite King’s unwillingness to commit “the lives of white men” to war in China and apparently ensured that several shipments of arms and munitions were provided to Chiang’s armies. As the research reveals, the assistance was motivated by hopes of cultivating “goodwill” in China that would favour Canadian businesses after the war. However, the official decision to assist China against Japan sparked a new controversy. Doubts about China’s postwar political stability gave rise to questions about the danger that Canadian munitions would be used in an imminent Chinese civil war. Such warnings, as it turned out, were merited. A bloody conflict between the Communists and Nationalists would erupt in China shortly after the end of the Second World War, in part waged with Canadian weapons. / Thesis (Master, History) -- Queen's University, 2011-05-05 15:23:06.094

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal / Pour respecter les droits d'auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse ou ce mémoire a été dépouillée, le cas échéant, de ses documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse ou du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

In 1936 the founders of PAX aimed at 'resistance to modern warfare on grounds of traditional morality'. Believing that 'just war' criteria could no longer be met, they called themselves pacifists. Although most members were Roman Catholic Pax did not claim to be a 'Catholic society' because the RC Church at that time took an opposing view, particularly of conscientious objection. Church authorities attempted to censor Pax literature and instructed clergy to resign from the society. Pax supported conscientious objectors during the Second World War. When membership declined afterwards it continued to publish the Pax Bulletin and to provide a forum where Catholics could debate theological and practical questions of war and peace. By the 1960s Pax had gained some distinguished sponsors and a branch in the United States - support which enabled it to influence debate at the Second Vatican Council in 1965. The Council endorsed the right to conscientious objection. In 1971 Pax merged with Pax Christi, the international Catholic peace organisation which began in France in 1944/45. This is the first detailed historical study of the Roman Catholic element in the British peace movement. The story of Pax demonstrates the part that even a small pressure group can play in changing public opinion through patient work. Eventually, despite apathy and opposition, Pax helped bring the RC Church to a recognition of the right to conscientious objection and played a crucial role in the development of a more widespread peace movement within the Church