This thesis analyzed the securitization of COVID-19 in Norway as a negotiation of meaning between the public and Norway’s prime minister. By employing framing analysis and a sociological approach to securitization, this thesis breaks with the binary view of ‘audience acceptance’ in securitization theory’s original framework. Instead, it argues for the relevance of understanding securitization in the context of COVID-19 as an intersubjective process between securitizing actor and audience. While scholars have tended to overlook the audience’s role in securitization processes, this thesis analyzed both the securitizing actor’s and the audience’s perspective. This made it possible to reveal competing views regarding threat perception and emergency measures.  The thesis contributed to the theoretical debate on the audience by highlighting the special ingrained role the public has been assigned in this particular securitization context. The nuanced analysis of audience acceptance showed that despite a general resonance regarding the threat perception, it revealed important tensions regarding the measures and the audience’s participatory role in the process. This questions whether COVID-19 in Norway can be considered to have been ‘successfully securitized’.

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<p>In the post-9/11 period, the United States can be seen to have securitized its approach to homeland security policy. Canada did not follow suit. Instead, the Canadian state sought to respond to American securitization initiatives in order to protect its own state interests. An in-depth examination of securitization theory demonstrates that this theoretical construct has been re-interpreted by scholars and adapted to various research agendas. This dissertation differentiates amongst three variants of securitization theory: philosophical, sociological, and post-structural. Common to these competing variants of securitization theory was the finding that the role of the audience had remained vague, hindering the use of this theoretical model for examining the policy creation process. Focusing on the philosophical variant of securitization theory, as originally articulated by the Copenhagen School, this dissertation re-evaluates the role of the audience while examining the ways in which the American approach to homeland security was securitized in the new security environment that emerged following 9/11, as well as Canada’s response to this securitization.</p> <p>This project divides the audience into two separate groups, made up of three components. The elite audience, which is comprised of members of the state policy elite, and the media first determine whether or not an issue poses an existential threat to the security of the state. The populist audience - the state’s public - then determines for itself whether or not it accepts the existential nature of the threat. This division of the audience into two separate groups allows for a clearer understanding of whether or not a given issue has been successfully securitized.</p> <p>In the post-9/11 period, the American audience groups willingly accepted that the threat of terrorism posed an existential threat to the state. The Canadian audience groups, prompted by their own authorized speakers of security, did not recognize terrorism as posing an existential threat to the Canadian states. Ultimately, an examination of the audience groups in these two states demonstrates the utility of the philosophical variant of securitization theory for evaluating states’ responses to security threats.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Since the Hamas attack, 7 of October 2023, instability in the Red Sea region has occurred. Due to this, the United States, along with other western countries has made a military intervention to targets in Yemen. But the question remains, how has it been possible for the US to carry out a military attack? This paper is aiming to study how the US has made this intervention possible by analyzing the securitization of the threat image from the Red Sea region. The study is going to analyze the ATA (Annual threat Assessment) material from the years 2006-2024, the report shows next year's US threat image. By the Securitization Theory the study is aiming to see how the threat image has been securitized. Combined with a discourse analysis as a method the study will investigate how the Red Sea region is expressed in the reports. This material, theory and method have not been studied before and therefore filled a gap in the previous research field.  The purpose is to contribute to a wider picture of the Securitization theory in the international arena. The analysis shows that ATA reports contain clear signs of securitization. The results show that the reports contained loaded words, an authority that was targeting an audience and macro securitization had occurred by mentioning the conflict in the Red Sea region as a proxy war. Due to these results one could draw the conclusion that Securitization had occurred in the report and therefore made possible for the military invasion.

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The diploma thesis titled Securitisation of Organized Violence in Europe: The Case of Great Britain and Italy deals with the analysis of security discourses in the United Kingdom during the conflict in Northern Ireland and Italy during the war with the Sicilian Mafia according to the securitization theory of the so-called Copenhagen School and their subsequent comparison. The main aim of this thesis is to capture the form of securitization processes in Italy in connection with the local organized crime. To reach this objective the situation in Italy is confronted with securitization processes in Northern Ireland whose conflict is a frequent subject of international relations and security studies. The theory of securitization as a research tool is presented in its original form formulated by the Copenhagen School and is supplemented by numerous criticisms by later securitization theorists. A significant part of the thesis is focused on a thorough analysis of historical and social context of the investigated phenomenon and on capturing of many securitization statements of political actors to which this work is primarily oriented. The discourse analysis is structured into five stages that reflect the most dramatic periods in development of the presented issue. These periods are characterized by the...

Syftet med vår studie var att undersöka om elever med funktionshinder får motsvarande utbildning och om undervisningen är kopplad till skolan som styrdokument. Undersökningen består av intervjuer med fyra lärare som alla arbetar med studenter med nedsatt språk i sin verksamhet. Utbildarna förklarar hur de uppfattar vad en motsvarande utbildning är för elever med funktionshinder och hur de arbetar för att dessa studenter får motsvarande utbildning enligt gällande styrdokument. Resultatet är att lärarna är överens om att eleverna i sin verksamhet inte får motsvarande utbildning. Dessa pedagoger har varierande kunskap om språkstörningar medan de tycker att problemet är att all relevant personal i skolan inte har tillräckligt med kunskap om språkstörningar och inte fullt ut vet hur man anpassar sig till eleverna behöver i förhållande till nuvarande styrdokument. Sammanfattningsvis anser alla intervjuade lärare att de har varierande kunskap om språkstörningar, men den kunskapen om studenter med nedsatt språk är för liten i skolan, och med större kunskap skulle fler studenter med språkförmåga få rätt anpassning och motsvarande utbildning. Skriv in abstrakt

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-15T18:29:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Mariana Preta Oliveira de Lyra.pdf: 899469 bytes, checksum: 5571c8139bcd48736cafd6a9ccc83188 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-15T18:29:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Mariana Preta Oliveira de Lyra.pdf: 899469 bytes, checksum: 5571c8139bcd48736cafd6a9ccc83188 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-07 / CAPES / This study analyzes how the issue of drug trafficking is incorporated into the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) agenda. The analysis is based on the theoretical framework presented by the Copenhagen School of security studies, specifically Regional Security Complex Theory and (se) Securitization Theory (BUZAN et al, 1998). Thus, there are the following main arguments: South America Regional Security Complex has been going through a period of transition, emerging from a schema without centrality of power to a model centered on a regional power, Brazil; and UNASUR, through three thematic councils (the South American Defense Council, the South American Council for the Global Drug Problem and the South American Council on Citizen Security, Justice and Coordination against the Organized Delinquency), initiated the process of desecuritization of drug trafficking at the regional level. Importantly, the analysis developed in this work is related to the normative framework of UNASUR, since it is a young organization and it is still under construction. Nevertheless, even in the absence of empirical material to harmonize policies and practices, we reaffirm the value of examining the normative level of any international organization. Initially, we conducted a detailed analysis of the ideas of the Copenhagen School, nearing its premises to the South American reality, however, without neglecting its analytical limitations. Regarding the issue of drug trafficking, we drew up an overview of its process of securitization during the Cold War, as well as the detailing of the international drug control regime, indicating the main implementers and supporters of drug policy in the international system. Also, we tried to present the South American reality regarding the drug trafficking, drawing a parallel between the U.S. policy, major external player, and the impact on the management of the issue in South America. In sequence, we analyzed the normative arrangement of UNASUR regarding the theme, highlighting the work performed by the South American Defense Council, the South American Council for the Global Drug Problem and the South American Council on Citizen Security, Justice and Coordination against the Organized Delinquency. Finally, we presented a parallel between intentions and normative of UNASUR and the actions and guidelines of the U.S. drug policy perpetrated during the last 50 years in the region. The Union of South American Nations, therefore, has advanced in discussing the problem of drug trafficking in the region, seeking to expand the approach to the topic while presenting itself as an alternative to the U.S. militaristic model. Thus, we observe that the continuity and consolidation of policies designed by UNASUR may lead to the formation of a South American regime for the global drug problem, which may be more comprehensive and may achieve better results for regional security. / A presente dissertação analisa como a problemática do narcotráfico é incorporada à agenda da União de Nações Sul-Americanas (Unasul). A análise desenvolvida fundamenta-se no arcabouço teórico apresentado pela Escola de Copenhague, mais especificamente a Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança e a Teoria da (de) Securitização (BUZAN et al, 1998). Dessa forma, têm-se os seguintes argumentos centrais: o Complexo Regional de Segurança da América do Sul passa por um momento de transição, saindo de um esquema sem centralidade de poder para um modelo centrado em uma potência regional, o Brasil; e a Unasul, por meio de três conselhos temáticos (Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano, Conselho Sul-Americano Sobre o Problema Mundial das Drogas e Conselho Sul-Americano em Matéria de Segurança Cidadã, Justiça e Coordenação contra a Delinquência Transnacional Organizada), iniciou o processo de desecuritização da problemática do tráfico de drogas em nível regional. É importante destacar que a análise desenvolvida nesta dissertação recaiu no âmbito normativo da Unasul, visto que se trata de uma organização jovem e ainda em construção. Entretanto, mesmo na ausência de material empírico que harmonize diretrizes e práticas, reafirma-se o valor do exame do nível normativo de qualquer organização internacional. Inicialmente, conduziu-se uma profunda análise das ideias da Escola de Copenhague, aproximando suas premissas da realidade sul-americana, no entanto, sem negligenciar suas limitações analíticas. No tocante à temática do narcotráfico, traçou-se um panorama do processo de securitização da problemática durante a Guerra Fria, bem como o detalhamento do regime internacional antidrogas, apontando os principais incentivadores e implementadores da política antidrogas no sistema internacional. Também, buscou-se apresentar a realidade sul-americana quanto ao tema, fazendo um paralelo entre a política estadunidense, grande player externo, e o impacto no gerenciamento da questão na América do Sul. Em seguida, analisou-se o arranjo normativo da União de Nações Sul-Americana com relação à problemática, destacando a atuação do Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano, do Conselho Sul-Americano sobre o Problema Mundial das Drogas e o Conselho Sul-Americano em Matéria de Segurança Cidadã, Justiça e Coordenação contra a Deliquência Organizada Transnacional. Por fim, realizou-se um paralelo entre as intenções e normativas da Unasul com as ações e diretrizes da política antidrogas norte-americana perpetrada nos últimos quase 50 anos na região. A União de Nações Sul-Americanas, portanto, tem avançado nas discussões sobre a problemática do narcotráfico na região, buscando ampliar a abordagem do tema ao mesmo tempo em que se apresenta como uma alternativa ao modelo militarista estadunidense. Dessa forma, vislumbra-se que a continuidade e consolidação das políticas pretendidas pela Unasul podem levar a constituição de um regime sul-americano para o problema mundial das drogas, que seja mais integral e que possa obter melhores resultados para a segurança regional.

The master thesis titled Italian Political Discourse and Securitization of Immigration: the Case of the Maghreb revolutions in 2011 deals with the issue of mass immigration waves reaching Italian shores and, in particular, the tiny island of Lampedusa during the initial phase of the so called Arab Spring. Its main goal lies in reconstruction and interpretation of the political discourse led by Silvio Berlusconi's centre-right government presenting the immigration crisis as a serious threat to national and potentially to European security. The first part introduces the general theoretical framework. The securitization theory of the Copenhagen School was used as an instrument for the thesis, including major criticism raised by the authors belonging to the social constructivist approach. In the second part, the author tries to characterize the basic historical and political context and clarifies the specifics of immigration in contemporary Italy. The last segment contains structuralized discourse analysis of the 2011 events and explores the extraordinary measures adopted and implemented in reaction to the government rhetoric at both the national and supranational levels. In this respect, the author pays special attention to how the process of negotiations finally led to the revision of the EU...

The submitted thesis called "The Relevance of Azerbaijan and Georgia in New Energy Geopolitics" deals with the topic of perception of energy security from the perspective of the European Union with special emphasis put on two southern Caucasian countries - Azerbaijan and Georgia. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the topic by means of the constructivist approach. The theoretical framework is based on the redefined theory of securitization. The methodological basis is represented by the discursive analysis of the official documents issued by the European Union, embedded in the context of European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership initiative respectively whilst taking into consideration the external influence of the Russian Federation in the time period of approximately ten years, i.e. from 2003, when the European Neighbourhood was established, up to the present. The main objective of the submitted thesis is to assess the perception of energy security from the point of view of the European Union and to identify key contextual links and discursive themes that dominated the political discourse of the European Union in particular moments of the respective period.