Abstract Sápmi, located in the North of Fennoscandia, including Finland, Sweden, Norway and parts of Russia, is the home of the majority of the indigenous Sámi people. With a high amount of natural resources in the shape of minerals, forests, and energy extraction, Sápmi is a place of a dispute between different actors such as the Nordic governments, corporations, locals, and Europe’s only indigenous people, the Sámis. On 22 March 2022, the Swedish Government granted a mining license to mobilize an iron ore mine in Gállok, the Swedish side of Sápmi, which has contributed to land-use conflicts and discrimination against the Sámi people. Thus, this issue continues today, making it vital to continue research on the land-use conflict in Sápmi. This qualitative study method uses an abductive approach and case study design. The interview method used is semi-structured interviews with purposive sampling to collect Sámi interviewees. Indigenous methodologies are used to conduct ethical research and apply Johan Galtung's violence triangle as a theory. The study's objective is to understand the land-use conflict in Gállok through the Sámi perspective. The study looks at the methods external actors use to access Gállok and the consequences of a mine in the area. The thesis findings showed that the three violences are visible in the land-use conflict in Gállok. The study presents that the methods used to access Gállok originates from education and media, furthers the laws and regulations by the Swedish authorities and the use of language to promote a green transition and civilization. The consequences found was the negative impact on the Sámi development through their perspective, hindering the chances to continue Sámi livelihood and an effect on Sámi well-being and identity. Additionally, the findings showed that the violences were differently dominating. However, cultural violence has shown to be the core contribution to structural and direct violence. Future research can focus on an intersectional impact on the mining establishment Sámis experience and furthering a decolonizing process.

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Examining contemporary higher education in the US and Canada, this study posits globalism as the reproductive condition for these postsecondary education systems and their infrastructures that has emerged within regional conditions of degraded institutional legitimacy and downgrading credentials. Across its chapters, university globalism is defined and cataloged via institutional practices that shape learning and labouring conditions for students, their surrounding environments, and the pedagogies administered to market and credential student experience. Chapters examine the global university, the global learning interface, the global curricular programme, the global student and the global classroom as multi-scalar sites for observing university globalism’s forms and their effects, especially on the situation of undergraduates. This formation is studied via infrastructuralism as an analytic shortcut to questions of social reproduction, political economy and their geohistories in these Global North contexts as globally dominant, mass cultural sites for global education. I posit the framework of connectivity, defined as the social and infrastructural good through which globalism is variously represented and embedded into undergraduate study, to periodize this shared regional institutional culture from the 1990s to the present. Connectivity links higher ed’s digitalization with its cosmopolitan modes of networking, identity formation, and human capital development that emerge across the institutional spectrum in public pedagogies and curriculum studied herein. This infrastructure is managerial, extractive, and socially reproduced, conditioning ambivalence and pessimism into the institutionalist modes of learning, networking and credentialing promoted by university globalism. Connectivity’s pro-social ideologies of global citizenship, inclusive excellence and social innovation are analyzed against higher ed’s proletarianizing material conditions and its anti-social foundations in racial capitalism and settler nationalism within US and Canada. This study aims to illuminate global study’s contradictory terms for undergraduates alongside their organic intellectualism within university conditions, and their affordances for critical global pedagogical practice to meet the crises of the present. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation examines globalism’s pedagogical and technological expressions in undergraduate student experience in the US and Canada. This study reads the global projects of these higher education systems as an infrastructure that conditions learning and credentialing as forms of anti-social, settler national and managerial self-development. By taking up the global connectivity era of the past three decades, this work brings digital infrastructures into dialogue with globalist education policies and administrative and disciplinary curricular projects in the context of degraded institutional legitimacy and downgrading credentials for undergraduates in these dominant inter/national sites for global education. It ultimately argues that the double binds produced by university globalism in these settings present a pedagogical occasion for abolitionist study in our time of planetary crises, unmasking the university as a knowable cultural object in a global cultural field and its infrastructure as a glitch-filled archive of relations of power, empire, and social reproduction.

This paper delves into the significance of land disposal to indigenous rights and Settler-Colonies. Specifically, it examines land use regulations for forestry management and Forest Sami villages. Through interviews with practicing forest reindeer herders, it has been revealed that forestry practices in Sweden have dramatically altered the landscape, posing significant challenges to the continuation of reindeer herding. In the context of Settler-Colonialism, the analysis of these findings shows that land use regulations align with the "logic of elimination," which seeks to remove the native population to secure settlers’ access to land.

Ce mémoire explore la dépossession territoriale des Ojibweg au profit du gouvernement canadien dans toutes ces dimensions — qu’elles soient économiques, politiques, mais particulièrement culturelles. C’est l’analyse fortement inspirée de la géographie culturelle, trop peu considérée dans le récit traditionnel du colonialisme de peuplement, qui représente le principal thème de ce travail. Le cas exemple retenu est celui des Ojibweg de la Garden River First Nation, entre 1815 et 1860. Par la figure du chef Shingwaukonse, cette communauté entretenait une diplomatie très active avec la Couronne britannique, par l’entremise des représentants de ces colonies canadiennes. Ces traces permettent de voir l’étendue de la dépossession totale que nécessite le colonialisme de peuplement. Afin d’y arriver, il faut d’abord refaire un récit de la région du Sault-Sainte-Marie dans sa dimension transfrontalière, pour dégager les dynamiques coloniales multiples que subissaient les Ojibweg de la région. Ce narratif commence sur une échelle régionale vaste propre à l’Empire britannique, avant de s’arrêter sur la vision identitaire de ce groupe, nouvellement dépossédé. / This thesis explores the territorial dispossession of the Ojibway people by the Canadian government in all its dimensions – be it economical, political but especially cultural. The analysis, greatly indebted to cultural geography, aspect too often poorly considered in the traditional narratives of settler colonialism, is the principal theme of this work. The type case is the Ojibway of the Garden River First Nation, between 1815 and 1860. By the figure of Shingwaukonse, this community held a very active diplomatic activity with the British crown, by the contact with representatives of its Canadian colonies. The trail it left allows us to see the total dispossession that necessitates settler colonialism. To successfully tackle this project, it is imperative to reframe the narrative of the Sault-Sainte-Marie region in all of it cross-border character, to address the multiple colonial dynamics felt by regional Anishinaabeg. This narrative starts on a vast geographical scale associated with the British Empire, before stopping on the specific ways this group lived their identities when faced with these new dispossessions.

Finland is recognized as a country with high human rights standards including the rights of the indigenous people that are protected by various declarations, conventions, and international human rights laws. Finland first enacted a Sámi Parliament Act in 1995 and has most recently in 2019 received criticism from the UN Human Rights Committee for not guaranteeing the rights for the legally recognized indigenous Sámi people living within Finland’s borders. Government proposal to reform the Act sparked the discussion of Sámi rights in Finland in the fall of 2022. Through a critical postcolonial perspective together with examining purposeful sampling material and the reform opposing discourse in the Finnish parliament, this thesis aims to get a view for the reason of the dismissal of the reform. It suggests that Finland’s position as a human rights model country in indigenous people’s rights is questionable in the matter of the Sámi rights.

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In 2016, An estimated 15,000 people representing 400 Indigenous Nations and non-indigenous allies gathered at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in solidarity against the Dakota Access Pipeline to protect Mni Sose, the Missouri River. They became known as the Water Protectors. This dissertation analyzes the response in environmental philosophy journals to the #noDAPL protest at Standing Rock. Even though the Stand at Standing Rock became one of the most important and monumental environmental protests of the last decade, neither Standing Rock nor the Water Protectors appear in environmental philosophy journals at all--not once. Why? I suggest a possible answer by exploring the Stand of the Water Protectors as a moment in a much longer continuous history of resistance to settler colonialism. Settler colonialism attempts to facilitate the erasure of Indigenous populations by colonial ones, in order to gain access to territory—to land. The omission of Standing Rock from environmental philosophy journals represents the ease with which environmental philosophy can become complicit in the project of settler colonial erasure and replacement through absence. Drawing on Indigenous land-based philosophies of kinship, Latin American decolonial philosophy, settler colonial theory, and frameworks of Indigenous environmental justice, I show how the geo-politics of colonialism have come to produce environmental injustice and planetary ruin. I work to break the silence on Standing Rock in environmental philosophy and allow the Water Protectors example to guide the project toward an environmental philosophy which centers colonialism and Indigenous resurgence as core concerns.