This thesis examines cross-cultural relationships between Indigenous and Settler women to challenge the dominant historiography that has overlooked women's lived experiences, and fill a gap in the literature concerning Indigenous – Settler relations. Conceptualizing the history of Indigenous – Settler relations as microhistories, this thesis argues that an increase of in case studies that are focused on Indigenous women’s experiences, are useful to nuance how historians think about colonialism at a macro level. Using a diaological approach I have situated myself as a participant within the research project and was able to partake in oral history interviews with Stó:lō and Settler women throughout the lower mainland in British Columbia. Throughout my discussions, it became apparent that female cross-cultural relationships occurred at certain places. Thus, this project analyzes the nature of female cross-cultural relationships that developed because of the residential school system, community interactions and religion. Were Indigenous and Settler women able to form meaningful relationships at these sites? If so, did these relationships change over the course of the twentieth century? By focusing on Indigenous women's experiences at these sites of encounter, it will be demonstrated that Settler women's colonial mindsets did not always determine the nature of cross-cultural interactions. This project makes important contributions towards an understanding of why some cross-cultural relationships were more meaningful and reciprocal than others. An analysis of colonial discourse coupled with case studies based on oral interviews offers a complex study of how colonialism and the dominant culture were experienced by Indigenous women in British Columbia from 1960 to 2009.

Enbridge has proposed the Line 3 “Replacement” Project, a new pipeline project taking a new route strait through Anishinaabe treaty territory in what is known as northern Minnesota. In the middle of the regulation process, the future remains unclear of how the State of Minnesota will move forward with the permitting process, but Anishinaabe communities, a range of non-profit organizations, and local landowners remain firmly against the line. Rooted in varied frameworks of Native sovereignty, the land, and Indigenous feminism, Anishinaabe communities lead the resistance against a product of ongoing settler colonialism, racial capitalism, and environmental racism. This thesis contextualizes the multi-tactical repertoires of those defending the land in the existing work of Indigenous scholars who write on the necessity for land-based resistance towards the unsettling process of decolonization. Ultimately, the resistance against Line 3 is representative of a long-term battle for Native sovereignty and self-determination in defense of the land and future generations.

A social history of Grahamstown between the years of 1830-1870. Tracing the relationship of the parishioners of the diocese with the "English Church", which developed into a formative part of the world-wide Anglican communion as the Church of the Province of South Africa after 1870. The study tries to gauge the extent of external influences on the settlers after 1830 both socio-political and ecclesiological and especially with the growth of the influence of the Tractarians after the arrival of Gray as first bishop. In the light of the later developments when the churches became 'trapped in apartheid', the study attempts to show that this was a time when a degree of independence in church/state relations church was achieved but the division between settler church and mission church became a reality. The study also engages in discussion of the relationship between a church and generalist historiography. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Church History)

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:01:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NorbertoAM.pdf: 1190502 bytes, checksum: 15fc3890db7720ac4fcdf9c75747130a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-12-15 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico / This work aims to use a different hydrodynamic condition applied to a new design of mixer-settler on treating wastewater produced by petroleum industry, called MDIF (Misturador-Decantador ? Invers?o de Fases/ Mixer-Settler based on Phase Inversion MSPI). The use of this different hydrodynamic behaviour is possible due to vertical disposition of the device and the principle of Phase Inversion that controls the MDIF, providing the generation (creation) of a cascade of drops, into an organic layer, that works as micro-decanters, thus making possible the formation of a bed of non-coalesced drops, called Bed Formation . The use of this new hydrodynamics condition allows to increase the residence time of the oil carrier drops, into an organic layer, and the device can treat a greater volume of wastewater. In view of to get this condition it is necessary to operate at high throughput (58,6 m3.m-2.h-1). By results, the condition of Bed Formation is the best one to be used when MSPI operates with throughput up to 58,6 m3.m-2.h-1. The results using the condition of Bed Formation show that increasing the height of the bed of non-coalesced drops and/or decreasing the volumetric ratio (O/A) an increase of the separation efficiency is detected / Este trabalho objetiva utilizar uma diferente condi??o hidrodin?mica aplicada a um novo design de misturador-decantador aplicado ao tratamento de ?guas produzidas da ind?stria do petr?leo, que vem sendo denominado de MDIF (Misturador-Decantador ? Invers?o de Fases). A utiliza??o do regime hidrodin?mico de Leito Denso ? poss?vel devido a disposi??o vertical do aparelho e ao princ?pio de invers?o de fases que rege o MDIF, proporcionando a gera??o de uma cascata de gotas, na regi?o de leito org?nico, que funcionam como micro-decantadores, possibilitando assim a forma??o de um leito de gotas n?o-coalescidas, denominado de Leito Denso. A utiliza??o desta nova condi??o hidrodin?mica permite o aumento do tempo de resid?ncia da gota transportadora de ?leo, na regi?o de leito org?nico, e o trata um maior volume de ?gua produzida, visto que para se atingir esta condi??o ? necess?rio se operar a altas vaz?es (58,6 m3/m2h). A partir dos resultados obtidos, a condi??o de regime de leito denso mostra-se como a melhor condi??o a ser utilizada quando se opera o misturador-decantador ? invers?o de fases com vaz?es espec?ficas acima de 58,6 m3.m-2.h-1. Os resultados utilizando o regime de leito denso mostram que elevando-se a altura do leito de gotas n?o-coalescidas e/ou diminuindo a raz?o volum?trica org?nico/aquoso aumenta a efici?ncia de separa??o do aparelho

Depuis près de 50 ans, les Inuit du Nunavik désirent accéder à l’autonomie gouvernementale afin de répondre à leurs besoins, qui sont différents de ceux du reste du Québec. Faisant partie des droits qui leurs sont reconnus par l’Organisation des Nations-Unies depuis 2007, et malgré le fait que le Canada et le Québec prônent l’établissement d’une relation de Nation à Nation avec les Autochtones, le chemin des Nunavimmiut—les habitants du Nunavik—vers l’autonomie gouvernementale est parsemé d’obstacles. La marge de manœuvre de ces derniers face à cette autonomie fut juridiquement encadrée par la signature, en 1975, de la Convention de la Baie-James et du Nord québécois. Les Inuit du Nunavik, s’ils font maintenant partie de la « société moderne », voyaient traditionnellement leur société régie par des normes dans lesquelles s’inscrivait les relations de pouvoir qui assuraient non seulement la survie, mais aussi l’harmonie, le bien-être et la transmission des savoirs. Il s’agit donc de comprendre de quelle manière la modernité, sous l’impulsion du colonialisme de peuplement et ses relations de pouvoir, a influencé ces structures sociales. Ces transformations, un processus qui est dynamique, participent à redéfinir dans un premier temps l’identité des Inuit, et dans un deuxième temps la forme de leur projet d’autonomie gouvernementale. / For nearly 50 years now, the Nunavik Inuit wish to insure their development with a form of self-government that can better reflect their identity and meet their needs. Indigenous self-government has been recognized as a right by the United Nations Organization since 2007, and although Canada and Quebec preach for the establishment of a Nation to Nation relationship with Indigenous People, we have no choice but to note the numerous challenges faced by the Nunavimmiut—the people from Nunavik—on the road to self-governance. The flexibility of the latter has been legally framed by the Bay-James and Northern Quebec Agreement, signed in 1975. The Nunavik Inuit, now part of the "modern society", traditionally relied on standards in which the power relationships were not only ensuring their survival, but were also maintaining the harmony, the welfare and the transfer of knowledge from one generation to another. Therefore, it is necessary to understand the ways in which modernity, fueled by settler colonialism and its power relationships, are redefining these social structures. These transformations are a dynamic process and are redefining the identity of the Nunavik Inuit, as well as their approach to self-governance.

This dissertation is an exploration of the ways in which contemporary practices of pluralism are challenging, and being shaped by, concepts of state sovereignty. I explore two very different contexts; the relationship between First Nations and Settlers on that part of Turtle Island sometimes called Canada, and the relationship between the European Union and its Member-States. In both contexts, I explore how political, legal, and economic practices are generating forms of social order that depart to varying degrees from the total, exclusive authority associated with sovereignty. In particular, I show that actors in both settings have actually developed two remarkably similar practices – interpenetrating institutions or co-decision mechanisms, and conditional authority claims. Together, these practices enable actors to contest and coordinate their respective authority claims in ways that do not rely on an overarching sovereign or even a shared understanding of their relationship. Instead, practices of interpenetration and conditional authority make all parties responsive to multiple standards of conduct, allowing diverse actors to seek justice over time in conditions of persistent difference and conflict. / Graduate

This thesis utilizes three theoretical approaches; political ecology, settler culture and community conservation to examine soil conservation and the white agrarian environment in colonial Zimbabwe to evaluate to what extent players in government and the agricultural sector were conscious or concerned about preservation and conservation of the soil. The thesis also examines the role of local and international ideas in the colony’s conservationist tradition, and whether the soil conservation movement was identity-forming among the colony’s settler farmers. The history of conservation on settler farms in colonial Zimbabwe can be periodized into three broad timeframes - from the 1890s to around the mid-1930s, between 1934 and 1965 and the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) period. In the first three and half decades of the 20th century the history of conservation can best be described as being characterized by a series of “dilemmas.” The British South Africa Company (BSA Co.) administration did not pursue soil conservation in any significant, synchronized or sustained manner. In the second period, from 1934 to 1965, there was considerable progress in the construction of conservation works on settler farms. This process was the result of recommendations made by Natural Resources Commission, a body that was appointed in 1938 to investigate the status of the colony’s natural resources. The mid-1940s were characterized by the formation of Intensive Conservation Areas (ICAs) in settler farming districts whose mandate was to oversee the construction of conservation works to rehabilitate settler farms. With the support of the Natural Resources Board (NRB), and the Department of Conservation and Extension (CONEX), formed in 1948 to provide expertise on conservation-related matters and extension support, all settler farming areas were covered by trained CONEX staff, though in most instances very thinly distributed due to high demand for their service and manpower constraints in the department. The third period, the UDI era, was characterized by attempts by the minority settler government to forestall majority rule in the colony. Malawi and Zambia (formerly Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia, respectively) had been granted their independence by Britain in 1964. As decolonization was taking place in other parts of Africa, black majority rule in colonial Zimbabwe also seemed imminent. To the alarm of the white minority government, Britain had set out to grant majority rule to its African colonies, including Southern Rhodesia (renamed Rhodesia after Zambia’s independence). The Ian Smith-led government of Rhodesia, feeling betrayed, declared UDI on 11 November 1965, delaying Zimbabwean independence by another 15 years. With the end of the Federation in 1963, the colony could no longer rely on federal resources as it had done between 1953 and 1963. Sanctions, imposed in reaction to UDI, further put the regime in a tight corner. Their impact was quite significant. Fuel had to be rationed, and general belt-tightening across the board inevitably followed as major Rhodesian exports such as tobacco and minerals were embargoed on international markets. The start of the liberation war at the end of the 1960s further complicated matters. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Historical and Heritage Studies / Unrestricted

The aim of this bachelor thesis is to critically examine the relationship between the Swedish state and the indigenous Sámi people, with special attention to land-use conflicts. Throughout history, the Swedish state has subjected the Sámi people to severe violations of their human and indigenous rights, such as forced relocation and land acquisition. Because of the historical context, and because it has been used in previous research on the Swedish-Sámi situation, the thesis uses settler colonial theory. The method is Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis (CDA) on communicative events from the government, state-owned forest enterprises and Sámi actors. Three research questions guided the analysis: 1) How does the proposed law of consultations describe the possibility for Sámi influence? 2) Are the state owned forestry enterprises reproducing settler colonial power structures in Sápmi? 3) How do Sámi actors describe the state’s forest politics? The conclusions were that it is uncertain if the proposed law of consultations satisfies requirements of free and prior informed consent (FPIC) as they are formulated in international law. Furthermore, the state-owned forestry enterprise Sveaskog reproduces settler colonial structures with some of their statements, for example by relating to state ownership of land that was stolen from Sámi people as unproblematic. Lastly, Sámi actors mostly portray the state’s forest politics in a negative light, emphasizing how the space for reindeer husbandry is shrinking due to irresponsible forestry methods.

No description available.

There has been a rise in Right-wing extremism (RWE) mobilizing within what is known as the setter-colonial state of Canada, with some groups espousing values and narratives grounded in White nationalist ideology which have led to instances of violence and harm against community members. These incidents of harm and violence occur in the context of the Canadian state's claims to inclusive multiculturalism, civility and benevolence. While there are many looking into the presence of RWE groups to document their existence, mobilizing patterns and tactics, very little analysis exists that offers a deep analysis into these groups and situates their political ideology within the broader context of the Canadian state’s governance logics. Therefore, to push the discussion on this topic further, this project looks at the specific case of the Canadian Nationalist Front's (CNF), a White nationalist group in Canada, and unpacks the discourse shared on their blog. Through dissecting the CNF's blogpost with a theoretical framework of analysis that moves beyond understanding this group as merely a fringe group which holds fundamentally different values than the Canadian state, I make links to the existing literature that demonstrates the parallels between the two. I argue that the racialized governance logics of White nationalist groups, like the CNF, are also shared in the settler-colonial logics of the Canadian state's border governance strategies. Further, I highlight the ways in which groups like the CNF ground their movements in the superiority of Whiteness, while using the state's claims of inclusivity and multiculturalism to justify their entitlement to hold these exclusionary ideologies while presenting themselves as victims of those that they "Other". Finally, I contextualize their discourse within the context of neoliberalism, which has intensified the harms of racial capitalism in a way that has also impacted the White working class and allowed groups like the CNF to use economic grievances to mobilize their movements.