Although Zimbabwe is a signatory to various regional and international conventions, treatises, declarations and protocols that seek to promote and create an environment conducive the attainment of gender equality, despite all these commitments, the Zimbabwean Government still lags behind in the area of political participation of women. This study was done to investigate gender equality and the level of participation in governmental decision making processes with specific reference to the cabinet of Zimbabwe. The subject for discussion was traced back to 1980 when Zimbabwe gained its independence and the researcher aimed to ascertain whether there was any significant improvement in terms of women’s participation in governmental decision-making processes and structures. The study also unravelled reasons why women have been at the peripherals of decision- making in cabinet. The study also brought out and evaluated the strategies used by the government of Zimbabwe in managing a gender-sensitive working environment and the legislation that has been put in place to guide the process. At the same time an evaluation was done among the respondents to ascertain the strengths and weaknesses of the strategies identified. Political parties were also included in the process since women who find their way into parliament do so using the tickets of their respective political parties. The political parties have a role to play since they have their respective constitutions in gender sensitive issues and it remains to be seen if they are implementing this which would result in identifying the numbers of women who are in the cabinet. The study is of significance to the Zimbabwean situation at the moment as the country is in the process of drafting a new constitution. The current Constitution in its Section 23 which provides for “protection from discrimination on the grounds of race, tribe, political opinion or physical disability of the persons concerned it is not clear as to what form of representation or position women should occupy in politics and decision-making positions. Given the above research analysis it is possible to conclude that indeed women have an impact on decision making in cabinet. The findings show the impact of considering the value of women in decision-making bodies as they spearheading development in their respective wards and the nation at large. Women were also viewed as decision makers who would contribute in the development of the nation just as much as men are assumed to do. The empowerment of women legislators and the aspiring candidates is a process that has a long way to go to ensure gender equality in governmental decision making processes but it is a necessary process.

本項研究旨在探討近代中國男性知識分子性別與國族論述之間的互動關係，藉以突顯近年學者利用後殖民性別/國族理論模式解釋上述問題的盲點和不足之處。 / 根據後殖民性別/國族理論的觀點，反殖民男性精英的性別與國族論述之間呈現出對立和矛盾，這成為了學者們以性別角度，批評近代中國國族主義的基調。然而，本研究要論證的正是這種後殖民性別/國族理論難以完全解釋近代中國歷史語境中的相關議題。 / 本文第一章探討康有為的「男女平等」論述如何假借儒家傳統「聖人」的論述模式，開拓現代性別平等的論說空間；第二章分析金天翮在晚清國族主義脈絡下建構的「女權」論述，如何為當時女權主義者打開批判男權統治的論述場域；第三章闡述周作人五四時期的「女性」論述如何通過新性道德討論，以及批判父權意識型態，創建女性主體性的論述模式；第四章解析張競生的「女體」論述如何將女性情慾與國族論述連結起來，開創女性情慾自主論的空間。通過四位知識分子的思想分析，本文勾勒出晚清以迄五四這個歷史階段較突出的性別/國族論述模式，闡釋近代中國性別與國族論述之間的互動關係。 / This research aims to explore the interactive relation between gender and nation in the discourse of the Modern Chinese intellectuals. Through details examination of the interactive discourse of gender and nation, this study seeks to demonstrate the inadequacy of the postcolonial critique of the nationalist bias on gender. / According to the gender analyses of the post-colonialists, gender and nation appear to be placed in opposition and conflict with one another. It is from this perspective of gender that many Chinese study scholars advance their critique on Chinese nationalism. However what I want to argue in this thesis is that such application of the post-colonial critique on gender and nation is over-representation of the gender/nation discourse in the context of Modern China. / In the first chapter of this thesis, I shall demonstrate how the discourse of Kang Youwei on “equality between men and women (「男女平等」)has revised the conception of the “Confucian sagefor the alignment with the modern discourse on equality of gender. In the second chapter, I shall how Chin Sung-ts’en’s(「金天翮」) dissemination of the conception of“ Women’s Right(「女權」) has inspired the female elite to criticize the patriarchy in the context of the national discourse on Late Qing period. In the third chapter, I shall examine how Zhou Zuoren’s(周作人) discourse on women (「女性」)has, through his participation in the construction of the “New Sexual Morality and his critique of the ideology of patriarchy, constructed the discursive foundation of female subjectivity during May Fourth period. And finally, in the fourth chapter, I shall explain how the discourse of the “female body (「女體」) by Zhang Jingsheng (張競生) reinstates female sexuality into the nationalism discourse and how such connection creates the site of liberation for female sexuality. / By analysis these four different intellectuals, this thesis has traced the development of these distinctive models of discourse on gender and nation, and demonstrated a mutually implicated relation between the two from the Late Qing to the May Fourth period in Modern China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 凌子威. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-164). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Ling Ziwei. / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章： --- 傳統與現代性的角力：晚清「男女平等」論的開展 --- p.21 / 康有為的《大同書》：「男女平等」論的「聖人」模式 --- p.27 / 打破「內外之防」：女子獨立人格的肯定 --- p.34 / 推翻家庭專制：「去家界」的激進主張 --- p.38 / 結論 --- p.45 / Chapter 第二章： --- 女權主義與國族主義之間：晚清「女權」論的催生 --- p.47 / 歐洲「女權」說翻譯與移植 --- p.51 / 金天翮的《女界鐘》：「女權」與「新中國」論的互涉 --- p.62 / 化私為公：塑造「國民之母」形象 --- p.65 / 「女權」與「民權」：建構中國女子革命論 --- p.72 / 結論 --- p.82 / Chapter 第三章： --- 「反傳統」與主體建構：五四「女性」論的確立 --- p.88 / 周作人及其「靈肉一致」女性觀的探索 --- p.91 / 重建新性道德：貞操、自由戀愛與婚姻制度 --- p.96 / 打破性禁忌：「不淨觀」與「假道學」 --- p.105 / 結論 --- p.111 / Chapter 第四章： --- 「性」與國家：五四「女體」論的爭議 --- p.113 / 強種與優生：由晚清「反纏足」到五四「產兒限制」 --- p.116 / 張競生及其「第三種水」論：女體歡愉/強種救國的另類想像 --- p.124 / 反客為主：女性情慾自主權 --- p.131 / 結論 --- p.136 / Chapter 結論： --- 近代中國「性別」與「國族」論述的互動 --- p.139 / 徵引書目 --- p.143

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of the Witwatersrand Department of Political Studies February 2015 / The question of gender inequality in South Africa has still not received the platform that it deserves. This reality may be attributed to numerous factors including the masculine attitudes that continue to prevail in South African politics. This dissertation therefore analyses the construction of gender roles in youth political organisations in South Africa, and investigates how hegemonic gender formations challenge and shape the activism of women within these organisations. It focuses on the largest and oldest youth political formation in the country, the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It draws from the rich history of the ANC and the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) to understand better the framework of current gender politics. Feminist theory is used as the underpinning theoretical framework throughout this research, thus providing a new perspective of women’s activism that goes beyond the traditional practices employed in research about political organisations. This dissertation is informed by a qualitative research approach with a focus on interviews with individuals who are members of the ANCYL in the Seshego township in South Africa’s Limpopo Province. The main argument made in this dissertation is that women in mainstream political organisations like the ANCYL continue to experience difficulties in the assertion of their activism because of the historically dominating masculine characteristics of such organisations. A nuanced analysis of young women’s activism in South Africa is the major contribution that this research offers. By bringing forth the narrative of ordinary female activists, this dissertation deliberately confronts the celebration of the supposedly already realised gender equality, arguing that this is a premature celebration that is not cognisant of the daily experiences of female activists of the ANCYL.

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This thesis seeks to explore how young, educated and seemingly liberated women construct their identities and make sense of their futures around their heterosexual relationships. Using the experiences of eight women participants engaged in long-term heterosexual relationships, combined with relevant secondary literature, issues of sexuality, identity, power and intimacy are discussed. Emphasis is placed on the implications of their identity construction and how they 'perform' their roles as women in society. How their sexual stories reflect their positioning in society is premised by the phrase, 'the personal is political' . Through analysis of the participants' experiences mixed with theoretical arguments, this thesis finds that young women are apparently sexually, economically and intellectually liberated but locked into discourses that provide highly unequal, limiting, disempowering and oppressive understandings of masculinity, femininity and sexuality. They live and experience a reality which is far from liberated.