Coetzee’s last novel Diary of a Bad Year (2007) has an intriguing triple-voiced narrative structure and deals with the grey area of shame. The narrative is divided between a writer, his written contribution to a book called “Strong Opinions”, and his secretary’s thoughts about both the opinions in the manuscript and her employer’s circumstances. This essay explores the relation between form and theme in Diary of a Bad Year; to see in what way these two fundamental elements of the novel intervene and support each other. By doing so the narrative structure is read through Freud’s structural model of personality, whereby each narrator’s voice is related to the notions of the super-ego, the ego and the id. In other words, this essay argues that the specific threefold narrative structure in Diary of a Bad Year, by reflecting the interrelated parts of human identity, helps in creating and developing the theme of shame, which only exists connected to the human psyche. This connection in turn gives special meaning to the entire narratology of the novel.

Thesis--PlanB (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references.

A phenomenological-grounded theory methodology was utilized to explore the transformational healing journeys of five Caucasian men in recovery from pervasive shame in their lives. An overview of several western approaches to treating shame are included, as well as two predominant Universal Developmental theories of shame and its link to the resolution of narcissism. During the thematic analysis of the interviews, thirteen themes were derived, which constituted a chronological depiction of the story of shame, as it unfolded in the lives of the participants. Additionally, an in-depth look at the families of origin, and the beginnings of shame in the participants’ lives is presented, as well as a picture of how their lives are now, after recovery from their shame. Implications for counseling were addressed. / ix, 196 leaves ; 29 cm

<p>After the committing of an error or transgression, some people are prone to experience shame (they feel badly about themselves) and some are prone to experience guilt (they tend to feel badly about their action or inaction). Although a sizable number of researchers have examined how shame and guilt relate to distress or health, the field knows very little about whether persons are more prone to shame or whether shame is more strongly associated with distress when the error is particularly relevant to the offender's sense of self. The current research aims to address this significant gap in the literature.</p><p>One domain in which people's self-view and sense of worth is often heightened is their work or vocation. Clergy have been shown to collapse who they are with what they do or are called to do in their role as pastor. Therefore, a measure that uses failures that clergy may experience in their role was created to examine how this domain specific shame and guilt relate to general shame and guilt, positive and negative affect, and clergy burnout.</p><p>Student pastors generated items for the new scale of domain specific shame and guilt. Seminary students completed questionnaires online and were asked to complete the new measure again one month later to establish test-retest reliability. Factor analyses were run to examine the structure of the shame and guilt scales. A secondary factor analysis found that the four guilt factors all loaded onto one second-order factor and the three shame factors all loaded onto another second-order factor. Cronbach's alpha and test-retest reliability were strong. Construct validity was established. Next, United Methodist clergy completed measure by pen and paper or online. </p><p>Overall the data demonstrate that higher shame, both in ministry situations and in secular situations, was significantly associated with higher negative affect among seminarians and less satisfaction and more emotional exhaustion in ministry among clergy. Contrary to expectations, seminarians and clergy were not more prone to ministry shame nor was ministry shame more strongly associated with clergy burnout than was general proneness to shame.</p> / Dissertation

No description available.

Aim. The aim of the present research was to investigate the relationship of personality guilt- and shame-proneness to grief and psychological dysphoria following bereavement due to stillbirth or death in the newborn period. Methods. Participating parents completed self-report questionnaire measures of proneness to situational guilt and shame (Test of Self-Conscious Affect-2), chronic guilt and shame (Personal Feelings Questionnaire-2) and interpersonal guilt (Interpersonal Guilt Questionnaire-67), grief (Perinatal Grief Scale-33) and psychological dysphoria (General Health Questionnaire-28) one month (�early�, N = 158) and 13 months (�late�, N = 149) after a perinatal death. Results. Women compared with men self-reported more intense grief, anxiety and depression one month after the death, but there were no significant sex differences in grief or psychological dysphoria one year later. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses showed that composite shame (situational and chronic) explained a small but statistically significant proportion of the variance in early total grief (adjusted R 2 = .09) and anxiety (adjusted R 2 = .07) in women, and early total grief (adjusted R 2 = .19), anxiety (adjusted R 2 = .13) and depression (adjusted R 2 = .10) in men. Composite guilt (situational, chronic and interpersonal) controlled for shame did not make a significant further contribution to the variance in early total grief, anxiety or depression in either sex. Composite shame explained not only significant but meaningful proportions of the variance in late grief (adjusted R2=.27), anxiety (adjusted R2=.21) and depression (adjusted R2=.27) in women, and late grief (adjusted R2= .56),anxiety (adjusted R 2= .30) and depression (adjusted R2= .51) in men. Composite guilt controlled for shame made significant further contributions to the variancein late grief (∆R 2 = .21), anxiety (∆R 2 = .16) and depression (∆R 2 = .25) in women, and late grief (∆R 2 = .11) in men. Shame and guilt together explained a substantial proportion of the variance in late grief (adjusted R2= .45), anxiety (adjusted R2= .33) and depression (adjusted R2= .49) in women, and late grief (adjusted R2= .64), anxiety (adjusted R2= .35) and depression (adjusted R2= .56) in men. Situational shame, chronic guilt and survivor guilt made positive unique contributions to the variance in late grief in women. Chronic shame and survivor guilt made unique contributions to the variance in late grief in men. Situational guilt made a significant unique negatively valenced contribution to the variance in late grief in women. Early composite shame, but not guilt, predicted late grief, anxiety and depression in men. Early composite shame and/or guilt did not predict late grief, anxiety or depression in women. Conclusion. Personality proneness to shame was more relevant to late grief, anxiety and depression in men than in women, but survivor guilt was equally important to late grief in both sexes. Chronic guilt and functional situational guilt were pertinent to late grief, anxiety and depression in women, but not in men. Personality shame- and guilt-proneness have important relationships with parental grief after perinatal death that have not hitherto been recognised.

Thesis (S.T.M.)--Trinity Lutheran Seminary, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-130).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Drexel University, 2008. / Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-91).

Thesis (S.T.M.)--Trinity Lutheran Seminary, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-130).

Thesis (M.A.)--Grace Theological Seminary, 1990. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 90-92).