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This dissertation focuses on slaves and peasants as self-consciousness actors in northwestern Sierra Leone between 1896 to 1956. During this period, which covers almost the entire duration of British colonial rule in the region, these subaltern groups used covert and violent actions to protest the various demands---labour, tribute and taxation---of the state and the local elite. Covert actions like evasions, escapes and migrations became interwoven into the fabric of colonial rule. / Violent actions, which tended to be spasmodic, erupted when social and economic conditions deteriorated sharply. Four major rebellions occurred during colonial rule in region. The first, spearheaded by local rulers, took place within the general context of African resistance to colonialism in 1898. After the rulers were coopted by the colonial state the burden of resistance fell on peasants and slaves. In 1919, after enduring excruciating war-time experiences, peasants, petty-traders, slaves and the urban unemployed rioted against Syrian traders who they believed hoarded and profited from rice. The rural destitution created by the Great Depression and a major locust attack led many ex-slaves and peasants to join the millenarian movement of the itinerant muslim cleric, Idara Konthorfili in 1931. Ware called on his followers not to pay colonial tax and tried to mobilize them to fight against the state. In 1955 and 1956, peasants and other rural groups throughout northwestern Sierra Leone rebelled against high taxation and the despotism of their chiefs. In its timing and virulence the anti-chief rebellion of 1955 and 1956 represented a major paradox in African history. It had occurred during the moment of decolonization; a period when the colonial transfer of power to the new African elite was following formulaic and relatively peaceful lines. / The state responded to subaltern protest with repression, paternalism and readjustments in existing social relations. By their actions, slaves and peasants forced the state and elite groups to acknowledge and respond to their concerns. The balance which emerged out of this process of resistance, repression and accommodation became the moral economy of colonialism in Sierra Leone.

Note: / An estimated 48,000 child soldiers were involved in the violent civil war in Sierra Leone between 1991 and 2002. It is suggested that approximately 12,000 were girls. Lacking material possessions and facing other negative structural factors, the majority was in need of some form of assistance post-conflict. Although international aid response was substantial, only 500 girls entered the countrywide Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) program. The remainder followed a variety of different courses. Giddens' structuration theory offers a useful theoretical framework to explore the reasons for their absence in the program, as it permits a focus on the role of structure and agencyin understanding behaviour. Social stigmatization and a gender-biased DDR program, within a broader structure of gender inequality, are identified as the principal problems . / On estime que 48,000 enfants soldats ont été impliques dans la violente guerre civile en Sierra Leone entre 1991 et 2002.11 est suggéré que prés de 12,000 d'entre eux étaient des filles. Avec des lacunes importantes au niveau matériel et faisant face a d'autres problèmes d'ordre structurel, la majorité de ces filles ont eu besoin d'une certaine forme d'assistance post-conflit. Bien que l'aide internationale ait été importante, seulement 500 filles ont été inscrites au programme national de Désarmement, démobilisation et réinsertion (DDR). Les autres filles ont suivies différents parcours. La théorie de structuration de Giddens offre un cadre théorique utile pour étudier les raisons de leur absence dans le programme car il permet de focaliser sur le rôle de la structure et de I' agence dans la compréhension du comportement. La stigmatisation sociale et une inégalité de genre au sein du programme de DDR, situe dans une structure plus généralisée d'inégalité de genre, sont identifiées comme étant les problèmes principaux .

M.A. (Politics) / This purpose of this study was to analyse the nature of women’s involvement in peace-building in Sierra Leone. The various dimensions of peace-building as set out in the African Union’s Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PRCD) programme, adopted in June 2006 by heads of governments in Banjul, The Gambia, served as the framework for analysis. The PCRD emphasises the incorporation of women in all peace-building efforts (and the mainstreaming of gender in all policies), and sets out a range of areas in terms of which women are required to be included. These are: political transition, government and democratisation; security; human rights, justice, and reconciliation; humanitarian emergency assistance; and socio-economic reconstruction and development. The analysis of the nature of women’s involvement in peace-building in Sierra Leone in these areas is structured in terms of efforts made by the government in complying with the PCRD, the efforts made by women’s groups (local, national, provincial, regional) in the country and the involvement of international organisations in partnership with either the government or women’s groups to provide assistance to female victims of violence. This study found that the government had many policies and laws which provided for women’s inclusion in peace-building efforts in the country (i.e. de jure commitment). However, its de facto commitment is questionable, since very few of these policies have in fact borne fruit. Women, for example, were not included in the 1996 Abidjan and 1999 Lomé Peace Accords – in both these agreements they were portrayed as victims needing protection, rather than as agents of change. Moreover, female representation in parliament over the past 12 years has not exceeded 14.5 per cent; the DDR programmes was largely gender-blind; the transformation of the security sector (such as the police and military) did not result in women’s inclusion in decision-making positions within these institutions; and, finally, despite the fact that the government specifically emphasised the importance of resuscitating economic activities among women in the 2005 Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, there was no concrete strategy to achieve these goals. This has affected women’s involvement in the economy, since obstacles in the form of male attitudes towards their role in the economy continue to persist. However, women’s groups, on the other hand, were actively involved in facilitating women’s inclusion in peace-building efforts in the country. Groups such as the 50/50 Group have been active in mobilising for the implementation of the 30 per cent quota for women’s representation in parliament. It also conducted capacity-building workshops and training programmes to empower potential female candidates for both local and general elections. The Sierra Leonean chapter of the Forum of African Women Educationalists (FAWE-SL) played a pivotal role in addressing the trauma caused by sexual and gender-based violence. Further efforts by women’s groups include: providing capacity-building programmes to empower women (including female ex-combatants) excluded from the DDRR programme; addressing the psycho-social needs of female survivors of war (in collaboration with international organisations); providing financial and medical assistance as well as trauma counselling and healing programmes to female and child victims of domestic violence and rape; running skills training centres and other educational activities in order to increase literacy and education among women, and building emergency schools for girls whose schools were destroyed during the conflict as well as providing educational information at entry points to female returnees on their rights; and, finally, providing micro-credit loans (by the Sierra Leone Market Women’s Association (SLMWA). This has been an important aspect of the efforts of women’s groups to resuscitate economic activities among women.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the issue of collapsed states with reference to William Reno's (2001) theory. Since the end of the Cold War we find in many places that the state itself has collapsed. According to this thesis state collapse refers to a situation where the structure, authority, laws and political order have fallen apart. The phenomenon of collapsed states is historic and worldwide, but nowhere are there more examples than in contemporary Africa. Sierra Leone is an example of a collapsed state in Africa. The state in Sierra Leone was after the commencement of the conflict in 1991 not capable of performing the duties which are required of a state when a state wants to be called a state. Governments in collapsed states lack the capacity to make binding, effective decisions. As a basic institution, the state loses its sovereignty as the most central institution in the society. Resource wars are nowadays a characteristic of collapsed states like Sierra Leone. Resources are used by key figures in the resource wars to enrich themselves. They also exploit the resources to finance their actions and propaganda. Diamonds was the resource which was exploited commercially by the 'government' and Foday Sankoh, a rebel/insurgent, as well as Charles Taylor, a warlord. The resource war was one of the reasons why the state in Sierra Leone collapsed further. It had lead to the total collapse of the state in Sierra Leone. With the commencement of the conflict in Sierra Leone, the issue of peacemaking came to the fore in Sierra Leone. The conflict in Sierra Leone was an intrastate conflict. The primary goal of the United Nations (UN) is to maintain international security and peace. Intrastate conflicts do not form part of the UN's traditional mandate regarding peacemaking. The UN thus had no basic framework of how to get involved in the intrastate conflict in Sierra Leone. The UN only became involved in 1999 in the form of UNAMSIL. Before the intervention of the UN, the 'government' of Sierra Leone turned to Private Military Companies (PMC's) in the form of Executive Outcomes and Sandline International. The problem with the intervention of PMC's in a conflict is that they are not sanctioned by international organisations like the UN. As a regional initiative, ECOWAS in the form of ECOMOG, also became involved in Sierra Leone. The intervention of both ECOMOG and PMC's in Sierra Leone failed to produce peace or the restoration of the state. Only the UN achieved peacemaking and the holding of an election. The conclusion of this thesis is that Sierra Leone fits in the theory of Reno (2001 ) re collapsed states. Sierra Leone is a typical example of a collapsed state and it also illustrates the validity of the concept. This however does not mean that Sierra Leone will be a collapsed state forever. There is the possibility that Sierra Leone can make a transition from a collapsed state to a stronger state to a more stable and functional state. It need, however, be noted that all conclusions in this thesis are of a preliminary nature. The conclusions will therefore be subject to further confirmation by later studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die kwessie van vervalle state met verwysing na William Reno (2001) se teorie. Sedert veral die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind ons die tendens dat verskeie state verval het. In hierdie tesis verwys die konsep van 'n vervalle staat na 'n situasie waar die struktuur, gesag, politieke orde en wette uitmekaar geval het. Die verskynsel van vervalle state is histories en kom wêreldwyd voor. Kontemporêre Afrika verskaf egter die meeste voorbeelde van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n voorbeeld van so 'n vervalle staat. Na die aanvang van die konflik in 1991 was die staat in Sierra Leone nie meer daartoe instaat om die funksies te verrig wat van 'n staat vereis word indien so 'n staat as 'n staat geag wil word nie. Die 'regering' in 'n vervalle staat beskik nie meer oor die kapasiteit om bindende, effektiewe besluite te neem nie. Die staat, as 'n basiese instelling, verloor sy soewereiniteit as die sentrale instelling in die samelewing. Die verval van 'n staat word toenemend met die uitbreek van 'n konflik- in hierdie geval 'n- hulpbronoorlog gekenmerk. Hulpbronne word deur die sleutelfigure, wat betrokke is in die hulpbronoorlog in die vervalle staat, gebruik om hulself te verryk. Hierdie hulpbronne word ook gebruik om die sleutelfigure se aksies en propaganda te finansier. Diamante is as hulpbron in Sierra Leone deur die 'regering' en Foday Sankoh, 'n rebellinsurgent, asook Charles Taylor, 'n oorlogsbaron, kommersieël uitgebuit. Die burgeroorlog met sy talle fasette, het tot die totale verval van die staat aanleiding gegee. Die kwessie van vredemaak het met die uitbreek van die konflik in Sierra Leone na vore getree. Die konflik in Sierra Leone was 'n intrastaatkonflik. Die primêre doel van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) is om internasionale vrede en sekuriteit te handhaaf. Intrastaatkonflikte as sulks maak nie deel uit van die tradisionele opdrag van die VN betreffende vredemaak nie. Die VN het gevolglik nie oor 'n basiese raamwerk beskik van hoe om by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke te raak nie. Die VN het eers in 1999 in die vorm van UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. Voor die intervensie van die VN het die 'regering' van Sierra Leone hom tot Private Militêre Bystand (PMB) in die vorm van 'Executive Outcomes' en 'Sandline International' gewend. Die problematiek insake PMB is dat dit nie deur internasioale organisasies soos die VN gesanksioneer word nie. As 'n regionale inisiatief het ECOWAS ook in die vorm van ECOMOG by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. In hierdie tesis sal daar gemeld word dat beide ECOMOG en PMB, met die uitsondering van die VN, se pogings vir vredemaak in Sierra Leone gefaal het. Die slotsom waartoe hierdie tesis kom is dat Sierra Leone inpas by Reno (2001) se teorie insake die verskynsel van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n tipiese voorbeeld van 'n vervalle staat en dit illustreer die geldigheid van die konsep. Dit beteken egter nie dat Sierra Leone permanent 'n vervalle staat hoef te wees nie. Die moontlikheid bestaan wel dat Sierra Leone die oorgang vanaf 'n vervalle staat na 'n stabieler, meer funksionele staat kan maak. Dit dien egter gemeld te word dat alle afleidings in hierdie tesis as voorlopig van aard beskou kan word. Hierdie afleidings is onderhewig aan verdere bevestiging of weerlegging deur latere studies.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2008. / The primary goal of this thesis is to explore, analyse and apply the New War theory to the West African case of Sierra Leone. The motivation for conducting a study of this nature was that much literature exists on the assumption that the Sierra Leonean conflict equates to a resource war. This research project attempts to bridge the gap between the New War schools of thought and those who maintain a resource war approach. Although Kaldor’s (2006) work on New Wars is significant, she does not place much emphasis on Africa. In order to supplement this, William Reno (2001) and Paul Collier (2000) have also been studied. Both write about Africa. The RUF virtually razed the Sierra Leonean society to the ground. The overtly violent methods employed were dissimilar to the interstate and intrastate wars of the past. Blatant exploitation of the country’s mineral wealth aggravated the situation. In attempting to reach a relevant finding, this study is divided into distinctive sections. Chapter two documents the theoretical background. The writings of Kaldor (2006), Reno (2001) and Collier (2000) are explored and applied. The third chapter investigates the factors in the conflict. Issues such as the resource factor (diamonds) and poverty are discussed; the failed state in Sierra Leone; criminal networks; social conditions; arms; and the role of youth and children. The general finding of this chapter indicates that Sierra Leone fits this model. Chapter four describes and analyses the actors. Identity was not an issue in the Sierra Leone war; thus a large part of Kaldor’s theory becomes redundant. In the final assessment the study establishes what Sierra Leone’s position is: New War or merely resource war? The bulk of the applied theory proved to be applicable to this case; but the study also acknowledges the mistaken views regarding Kaldor’s identity theories. Collier and Reno’s works prove to be significantly more relevant. This study was able to determine that Sierra Leone was indeed an example of New Wars, albeit considerably affected and influenced by greed.

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