The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate that American policy is reactive to China's changing status in international relations and Sino-American relationship have gone through various phases since the end of bipolar world, but security remains the main component that shapes Sino-American relations until today. During the Cold War, the main aspect of the relationship was common security threat that diminished with the end of bipolar world. After that, economy became more important and China developed a comprehensive national power. However, with China's new power status in international relations came new realities in Sino-American relations driven by the security concerns again.

This thesis examines the Boxer Uprising which took place in China around the turn of the twentieth century as a domestic crisis in the United States and the means through which different factions within America shaped the popular perception of the event. It argues that American and Chinese interest groups successfully managed the crisis by developing a narrative that served to further their own interests. These efforts were geared towards convincing an uncertain American public of the necessity and righteousness of particular ways to respond to the crisis. The primary factor in this narrative was a malleable ideal of civilization centered on American concepts of industry, Christianity, and democracy. This thesis maintains that the print media of the day was the essential element for the distribution of this message, which allowed for an explanation to the crisis, the protection of Chinese citizens within the United States, justification for American actions abroad, and a speedy return to the status quo.

The purpose of this thesis is to explain why China put so much emphasizes on the Taiwan issue in their relations with the U.S. This will be explored by looking at what elements are affecting the commitment to the Taiwan question in Sino-American relations and how this can be explained by using ontological terms such as "rooted identity" and "significant others". Two key elements has been identified to analyze this; victimization and legitimacy. To evaluate the subject two research questions will be used; how can legitimacy and victimization explain China’s commitment to the Taiwan question when it comes to Sino-American relations? What is the connection between legitimacy, victimization and the PRC’s rooted identity? Policy-statement and official documents will be used to sheed light on the Taiwan-questions affects on Sino-American relations from an ontological security theory perspective. The thesis will argue that the PRC’s early history has great effects on their commitment to this issue and that legitimacy and victimization is affecting China’s commitment to Taiwan to the extent that it cannot accept an independent Taiwan. Hence this issue will continue to have great impact on China’s foreign relations, especially with the U.S. However, despite strong rhetoric’s China does not necessarily need to achieve unification with Taiwan in the near future.

American policy toward the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China from 1949-1979 was geared primarily toward the accomplishment of one objective: to achieve a reorientation of Chinese Communist revolutionary foreign policy that would contribute to the establishment of a "tolerable state of order" in the international community based on the principles of respect for each nations' territorial integrity and political sovereignty. China's revolutionary approach to its foreign relations constituted a threat to this objective. During the 1960s and '70s, however, Beijing gradually began accepting views conducive to the achievement of the "tolerable state of order" that Washington hoped to create, thus contributing significantly to the relaxation of Sino-American tensions and the normalization of relations in 1979. From this basic thesis four subsidiary arguments emerge. First, the seven presidential administrations from Harry Truman to Jimmy Carter pursued a common set of objectives toward which their respective China policies conformed, thus granting American China policy a degree of consistency that historians of Sino-American relations have not previously recognized. Second, the most significant dilemma American officials faced was striking an effective balance between containment (to punish aggression) and engagement (to emphasize the benefits of cooperation). Third, American policy toward the ROC throughout virtually the entire period in question remained a function of Washington's effort to reorient Beijing's foreign policy approach. Fourth, domestic American opinion was of secondary importance in determining the nature and implementation of American China policy.

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Title: Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics: The Cultural Aspect of Chinese Foreign Policy in the Example of Sino-American Relations Ambiguity in answers, lack of communication or justification of actions have resulted in a negative depiction of Sino-American relations. I would like to prove the cultural significance as a major factor in influencing Chinese foreign policy regarding the example of Sino-American relations. By applying elements of constructivism, one is able to understand the cultural perspective of Chinese foreign policy in the example of Sino-American relations. Furthermore, this is proven through philosophical application of game theory stratagem.

China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.

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As China’s economy becomes larger—naturally, the global outflow of China’s foreign direct investment (FDI) has also been increasing at a rapid pace. One of the most popular regions for Chinese investment today is North America. Yet despite China’s great enthusiasm to invest in Canada and the US, Chinese firms have received much antagonism in North America. Often times, Chinese acquisitions are viewed in a negative light, and are even denied on grounds which appear to be erroneous. This study asks an important question: what are the political reasons and conditions behind the acceptance and rejection of recent Chinese FDI in North America? To answer this question, this study analyzed and compared Canada and the US in great detail. By observing the sectorial distribution of Chinese FDI, the institutional constructs, as well as the most controversial cases of Chinese takeovers in both countries, the study has found that hegemonic competition and institutional structure plays a major role in the evaluation of Chinese FDI. Hegemonic competition creates the perception that Chinese FDI is a threat in the US, while the institutional structure in US allows the negative perceptions of China to influence the FDI evaluation process. Derived from the two major factors, secondary factors such as the policy preference of lawmakers, as well as the type of FDI itself are also important determinants of Chinese FDI in North America. As a result, Chinese FDI is more likely to be denied in America. While in Canada, due to the absence of a Sino-Canadian rivalry, Chinese FDI is perceived with more normalcy. Hence, Chinese FDI is less likely to be denied in Canada.