Between 1775 and 1930 Anglo-American and Australian worker politics were centred on the belief that working people endured economic inequality through the unfair social division of wealth. Regardless of political affiliation, contemporary working-class radicals saw the solution to what was variously described as ‘the labour problem’, ‘the economic problem’, or ‘the social problem’ as the return of most or all of a nation’s wealth from those who had accumulated it to those that had originally produced it—a perspective described by North American historians as producerism. Following sections on precursors in British and American sources, the study looks at producerism at two important junctures in the political and economic history of New South Wales: the 1840s, and the period 1890-1930. Both were times of severe or fluctuating economic conditions and political mobilisation. The first period witnessed a middle-class challenge for control of the state. It utilised a constitutional radicalism that enlisted the working classes through cautious use of producerist argument. These producerist references tended to be oblique and muted but nevertheless offer proof of its existence in the colony. The second was one of direct working-class challenge for state power, where producerism’s presence as the guiding force of worker politics was more obvious. Beginning in the depression of the 1890s it looks at how the radical literature associated with Australian socialism, syndicalism and labourism built cases for economic and social justice on producerist foundations. In this way it underlined worker politics until a precipitous post-1930 decline. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Miami’s marketers have a long and successful history of creating and recreating imagery that draws visitors towards the "magic city" or the "tropical playground". This thesis investigates Miami’s marketing and its roots by analyzing the role and legacy of segregation in order to examine how tourism and its image relate to issues of exclusion and inequality. An inclusive rethinking of the definitions and usage of culture is then advocated as an important theoretical shift that could benefit development and revitalization in the city’s economically poorest neighborhoods. Analysis (through case studies, semi-structured interviews and GIS analysis) then shows how historic patterns of exclusion and adverse incorporation, especially in regard to tourism, are reproduced in much of Miami’s contemporary marketing, with the Greater Miami Convention and Visitors Bureau (GMCVB) playing an important role in this process. The Black community especially suffers greater levels of exclusion from Miami’s tourism and marketing and therefore has the most to gain from a shift in policy and perception. Community-based cultural tourism has functioned in various US cities as a tool to assist urban revitalization however Miami has yet to implement such a program. The results of this research suggest a number of recommendations for cultural tourism’s implementation in Miami, emphasizing the need for a community-based coalition of non-profit organizations utilizing governmental, marketing and creative/artistic partnerships.

This dissertation explores the meaning of the Civil War in the South by examining the experience of Tennessee’s black Union army soldiers and veterans from the 1860s through the early twentieth century. Today historians almost reflexively agree that the black military experience took on an “ever larger meaning” in American society, but few scholars have given sustained attention to black soldiers’ lives in the postwar South. My dissertation finds that the black military experience profoundly disrupted Southern hierarchies and presented black men with unprecedented opportunities to elevate their political, economic, and social status; however, these aspirations rarely went uncontested. Nearly 40 percent of Tennessee’s black male population of military age enlisted in the Union army during the Civil War, and as these men pursued individual agendas and attempted to build families and communities they played a critical part in the postwar remaking of the urban and rural South. The redefinition of Southern society produced inter- and intra-racial tension and occasionally brutal violence, but it also involved striking accommodations and reconciliations. This study also explores conflicting commemoration of the war by contrasting black prominence in the state’s racially integrated Grand Army of the Republic veterans’ organization with efforts to recognize Confederate “colored soldiers.” The dissertation’s most important sources are federal military pension records at the National Archives in Washington, which allow the study to focus on otherwise largely undocumented and unexplored lives. These invaluable records provide information about antebellum, wartime, and postwar family life, health conditions, employment history, economic mobility, geographical mobility, race relations, and relationships with white ex-soldiers.

The history of the prison system in the US is inextricably linked to Christianity. Penitentiary shares its root word, penitence, with repentance. Quakers and Congregationalists started the very first prisons because they viewed the corporal punishment of that time to be cruel (Graber 20). Even today, prisons are required to hire chaplains to make sure incarcerated people have the freedom to practice religion inside of the prison. The largest volunteer group serving incarcerated people is Prison Fellowship, an arm of the Religious Right which began in the 1970s and is now the largest faith based group of its kind1 (Prison Fellowship “Benefits”). Under the umbrella of Prison Fellowship, a pre-release program called InnerChange Freedom Initiative was developed with the specific goal of transforming incarcerated men in order to lower recidivism rates. The Religious Right claims to have positive effects on incarcerated people beyond cultivating spirituality, such as better rehabilitation and lower recidivism. However, their claims have not withstood scientific scrutiny. This begs the question, what are the effects of the Religious Right’s programming inside of prisons? The US prison system, created with the intent of protecting society from criminals, was developed primarily by straight, white, Christian men who intended the system to be for men. Every aspect of a resident’s life is controlled by someone else;

<p><i>Understanding School Buildings</i>completes a study ofmodern Swedish school buildings and the ideas behind them. In aseries of case studies of seven schools built between 1953 and2001, changes in architecture have been found to reflectchanges in the ideas and practices of teaching and learning.The study has raised a number of questions, regarding currentdemands on school buildings. Problems and qualities of schoolbuildings demands on school buildings, problems and qualitiesof school buildings form the 1950s, 60s and 70s, problems foundand qualities lost in the process of changing such buildings,and the motives of architects involved in the design ofschools.</p><p>In practical terms, the research method has includedobservations of buildings in use, interviews with directors,staff and pupils as well as architects, and the study ofliterature, documents and architectural drawings. Intheoretical terms, different perspectives of architecture havebeen discussed and applied, from the phenomenological approachof Norberg-Schulz to the space syntax theory of Hillier, frompractical, social use of symbolic meaning and aesthetics.Finally, some philosophical themes on art, architecture andsociety, from Dewey, Shusterman, Scruton and Sartre have beenintroduced.</p><p>Partly diverging from the case study model of Yin, the studydoes not simply aim at verifying or falsifying a hypothesis. Ata point in the study, each case is explained in a morenarrative manner. In the final analysis, understanding schoolbuildings in shown to require a multifaceted view. A schoolbuilding must be seen in a historic/political perspective, as atool for teaching and learning and as the life-world ofteachers and pupils. In cases discussed, a school building isalso the object of strong pedagogical or social intensions ofan architect. In other term, a study of school buildings mustbe a study in pragmatist aesthetics.</p><p><b>Keywords:</b>School building, architectural theory, recentsocial history of architecture, intention, experience,pragmatist aesthetics</p>

Inaugural Dissertation (Ph. D.)--Universität Köln, 1976. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 161-171).

Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Paris III, 1978. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 770-936) and index.

In May 2008, at the High Court of Bangladesh, a ‘community’ that has been ‘stateless’ for over thirty five years were finally granted citizenship. Empirical research with this ‘community’ as it negotiates the lines drawn between legal status and statelessness captures an important historical moment. It represents a critical evaluation of the way ‘political space’ is contested at the local level and what this reveals about the nature and boundaries of citizenship. The thesis argues that in certain transition states the construction and contestation of citizenship is more complicated than often discussed. The ‘crafting’ of citizenship since the colonial period has left an indelible mark, and in the specificity of Bangladesh’s historical imagination, access to, and understandings of, citizenship are socially and spatially produced. While much has changed since Partition, particular discursive registers have lost little of their value. Today, religious discourses of ‘pollution’ and ‘purity’ fold into colonial and post-colonial narratives of ‘primitivity’ and ‘progress’ and the camp draws a line in contemporary nationalist space. Unpicking Agamben’s (1998; 2005) binary between ‘political beings’ and ‘bare life’, the thesis considers ‘the camp’ as a social form. The camps of Bangladesh do not function as bounded physical or conceptual spaces in which denationalized groups are altogether divorced from ‘the polity’. Instead ‘acts of citizenship’ (Isin and Nielsen, 2008) occur at the level of everyday life, as the moments in which formal status is transgressed. Until now the space of citizenship has failed to recognise the ‘non-citizens’ who can, through complicated accommodations and creative alliances, occupy or negotiate that space. Using these insights, the thesis develops the concept of ‘political space’, an analysis of the way in which history has shaped spatial arrangements and political subjectivity. In doing so, it provides an analytic approach of relevance to wider problems of displacement, citizenship and ethnic relations.

The Canadian residential school system, which operated from the 1880s until the 1970s, was a church-state enterprise designed to assimilate Aboriginal children into Euro-Canadian culture and was characterized by poor sanitation and widespread abuse. Recently, it has been the object of the most significant and most successful struggle for redress in Canadian history. However, for most of its long history, the many failings of the residential school system went unacknowledged by the organizations formerly involved in its operation. In this thesis, I seek to explain why. In doing so, I provide a framework for further study on the residential schools and on comparable cases. To resolve my question, I conduct a comparative historical analysis of the Anglican Church of Canada, which was formerly an important partner in the operation of the residential schools. My data is drawn from a wide range of archival material. My analysis is framed by a meaningcentred approach to social behaviour referred to as the Strong Program. In sum, I argue that the initial meaning of the school system as a sacred enterprise hindered acknowledgement of its failings. For the church to acknowledge the failings of the residential schools, such a meaning needed to be replaced with a new meaning emphasizing the tragic consequences of the school system. This could only occur once the balance of social power had shifted away from the defenders of the sacred meaning and towards its detractors.

This research identifies and examines the circumstances and processes surrounding the migration and racialisation of doctors from the Indian subcontinent to Britain. Theoretically the research will critically evaluate several current debates within sociology and reconstructs a different set of criteria to that which has until recently governed investigations into racism. The research argues that the concept of 'race' is an ideological construction with no analytical role to play in the investigation of racism and discrimination. The real object of analysis is the development and reproduction of racism as an ideology within specific historical and material conjunctures determined by the uneven development of capitalism. Within this context a full explanation of the migration and racialisation of doctors from the Indian subcontinent requires not only an examination of the post-war era, but also an investigation of the origins of that migration and racialisation during the pre-1945 period when India was the subject of British rule. A great deal of contemporary research on migration and racism, has tended to concentrate on unskilled and semi-skilled migrant labour. This study will focus on the neglected area of the 'professions', through an investigation of doctors from the Indian subcontinent and their relationship with the British 'professional' occupation of medicine. Through the exegesis and critique of the 'sociology of professions', the research will demonstrate that doctors from the Indian subcontinent represent a racialised fraction of the new middle class. The main question surrounding the analysis of the relationship between Indian doctors and the British 'professional' occupation of medicine as 'gatekeepers' of the occupation, will focus on the relationship between professionalism and racism. The research will contend that the content of professionalism does not merely define certain occupations as 'professions', but more importantly, professionalism like racism is an ideology. Professionalism not only operates to justify and legitimate the supposed special status of medicine, but it also reinforces racist exclusionary practices in a 'sanitised' form within the occupation. This provides the research with the rare opportunity of analysing the nature and content of two ideologies operating within the same arena: the relationship between racism and professionalism. This will illustrate that the racism which black migrant 'professional' labour is subject to, does not only operate in a functional way for capitalism in providing labour for the less desirable specialisms of medicine, but also operates through the mediation of the occupation of medicine to help reproduce the 'professional status' of the occupation.