This thesis investigates the possibilities and forms of subaltern politics through an empirical study of Brazilian domestic workers' mobilisations. Domestic work, often described as a legacy of slavery in Brazil, is characterised by the intersection of gender, race and class matrices of oppression, which makes domestic workers a subaltern group. As a result of their subaltern status and characterisation as 'non-standard' workers they are expected to be harder, or even impossible, to organise and represent. Yet, Brazilian domestic workers have been organising since 1936; they formed their own autonomous trade unions, and won partial recognition in 2015 when the Brazilian Congress approved a law extending basic labour rights to them. Thus, my thesis examines how this subaltern group has been able to organise, and argues that instead of considering subalternity as an impediment to collective action it should be understood as a potential resource for mobilisation. I have identified three paradoxes of subaltern politics. First, I show how the professional identity 'domestic worker' is both necessary for political recognition in the Brazilian corporatist state, but also rejected, as it re-inscribes domestic workers into the raced-gendered power relations they want to challenge. Furthermore, I find that while the intersecting nature of their oppression is what has constructed domestic workers as a subaltern group, it has also enabled the formation of broad-based alliances with women, black and workers' movements, thereby turning subalternity into a resource for collective action. Finally, domestic workers have used their perceived vulnerability to force recognition from the Brazilian state, yet, this has led to a paternalistic mode of recognition and a certain demobilisation of the domestic workers' local unions. As domestic workers gained partial recognition as workers, they were also forced into an industrial relations model that did little to respond to the complex and multi-sided forms of oppressions they face, posing new challenges to their modes of organising.

This thesis studies the political and social practices of prosperous bazaar merchants and traders to understand the dynamics of power and authority in contemporary urban Pakistan. Broadly, it considers how propertied groups, such as traders, maintain their dominant position in Pakistan's political sphere, and how the consent of subordinate classes is structured to reproduce this persisting arrangement. Drawing on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork in a large wholesale bazaar of Lahore, this thesis demonstrates that bazaar traders accumulate power and authority through a fused repertoire of transactional bargaining, material patronage, and Islamic civic leadership. By mobilizing voluntary associations, and forming personalized relations of reciprocity with state functionaries and political elites, traders are able to reproduce their material and status privileges through political access and co-optation of public resources. Such networks also position them as patrons and brokers for the urban poor who work in marketplaces, helping the latter resolve pressing issues of everyday subsistence, while sustaining ties of exploitative dependence in the process. These ties are simultaneously legitimized through an accompanying cultural politics grounded in religious ideals. Bazaar traders remain deeply embedded with Islamist actors and play a central role in administering mosques, seminaries, and religious charities. Therefore, notions of piety, divinely ordained class and status hierarchies, and benevolent civic virtue - disseminated and popularized through their articulation and performance by bazaar traders - shape the cultural frames under which class authority and material conditions are interpreted by subordinate groups in marketplaces. Ultimately, these processes act as the building blocks of a persisting arrangement, wherein the influence bazaar traders possess through economic resources and their authority over the urban poor is transacted with weak political parties during elections, thus underpinning the reproduction of Pakistan's elite-dominated political sphere. By documenting the everyday power practices of a dominant group and the microprocesses that feed into the political sphere, this thesis rectifies deterministic statist and structuralist explanations for Pakistan's lasting regime of elite power. It also contributes to ongoing debates on the roles played by the state, political parties, and civil society in the articulation of hegemonic political arrangements.

This thesis critiques the constructions of girls and young women who are in, or are considered ‘at risk’ of, secure care or custody by exploring the ways in which they are explained and understood by the practitioners who work closely with them. The research was shaped by feminist concerns and aims, and involved in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 50 practitioners working with young women in a range of settings related to criminal justice in Scotland: prison, secure care, social work, and third-sector community services. A key concern of the thesis was to contribute to the growing body of knowledge and understanding about these ‘at risk’ young women. The work that exists in the Scottish, and wider UK, sector offers rich insights into different aspects of the experiences of this marginalised population, but very little of this is focused upon the role of the practitioner, or on practice that is conducted with this group of young women. In adding to this under-researched area, the thesis makes several contributions. Firstly, it supports the work of other feminist scholars through adding to the limited body of UK-specific knowledge regarding young women’s pathways into criminal justice contact. Secondly, it contributes to feminist concerns regarding the different and changing modes of social control to which young women are subjected, finding that practitioner contribution of knowledge to such discourses can serve to exacerbate the responsibility that is placed upon them in working with these young women. Thirdly, the thesis details the aspects of working practice that practitioners viewed as key to their work, and by doing so, gives context to understanding why so many practitioners describe finding young women a ‘difficult’ group with whom to work. Lastly the thesis contributes by its exploration of the personal experiences of practitioners in conducting their work, and the working environment and conditions surrounding these, which are framed in the thesis as gendered emotional labour. The thesis makes the argument that practitioners often experience difficulties not only because they are faced with hearing about or experiencing distressing stories, but because of the precarious situations that many work within, and because of the ways in which gendered risk and gendered vulnerability act as tools of governance, leaving them anxious and uncertain about their own ‘risky decisions’ in these insecure work environments.

Some governments tackle poverty and inequality by creating well-functioning, rules-based distributive programmes. Others redistribute selectively, showering their loyal supporters with goods, services, and money while denying these things to other citizens, even when those other citizens are very poor. What explains this contrast? Why do some governments prefer politically neutral rules-based forms of redistribution while others prefer highly selective clientelistic redistributive arrangements? This dissertation answers the question by developing a new line of theory. I also test that theory against evidence from a number of Latin American countries, most notably Brazil. Although rules-based social policies are a cornerstone of the modern welfare state, we know surprisingly little about the politics behind these policies. In this dissertation I show how, in much of Latin America, the development of rules-based programmes can be traced to the electoral incentives of politicians, and of presidents in particular. Forging clientelistic deals with favoured constituents may be a winning strategy for legislators and local officials, but presidents cannot play that game as well and so tend to prefer less particularistic forms of redistribution. Over the past few decades, rules-based social programmes have emerged for the first time in much of Latin America. However, the reason why these countries have been embracing programmatic redistribution now is not yet clear. Some studies have stressed that the spread of electoral democracy has created incentives for politicians to shift distribution away from powerful groups and towards the poor. For these scholars the emergence of rules-based programmes is a reflection of weakening clientelistic linkages between politicians and voters. Others have argued that, as societies get wealthier, voters have the means to rebel against clientelistic schemes and vote for politicians that favour programmatic distribution. Others still make the point that the rise of left-wing parties is what is driving these transformations. Leftist parties organise and mobilise the poor, who in turn pressure for effective, rules-based distribution. In contrast with these explanations, my analysis attributes the new emphasis on rules to the shifting balance between the powers of legislators and those of presidents in much of Latin America. My argument is that clientelism remains a useful electoral strategy mainly for legislators and in local politics, where the support of well-organised networks of clients can make a difference between winning and losing public office. Presidents, on the other hand, have much larger and more heterogeneous constituencies, which makes investing in small networks of clients prohibitively expensive for them. Furthermore, presidents strive to be seen as strong leaders that are capable of designing effective policies that will be considered fair by the majority of citizens. In the case of presidents, creating rules-based social programmes is the most efficient way to redistribute income in a way that is compatible with their political priorities. I test this theory using a unique dataset of social spending in each of Brazil's 5,570 municipalities. Employing different identification strategies, I find broad support for the argument that legislators and presidents prefer very different kinds of social policies. These differences are systematic and do not depend on a legislator's or on the incumbent president's party affiliation. Even legislators who hail from 'pro-poor' parties on the left of the political spectrum seem to prefer clientelistic forms of redistribution, despite the fact that clientelistic practices can be quite regressive. At the same time, presidents almost always prefer programmatic distributive policies, which are famously progressive, even when they hail from parties on right of the ideological spectrum. These results - the product of numerous interviews and extensive fieldwork conducted in four states over the course of two electoral cycles - help explain why Brazil and other young democracies in Latin America have seen conditional cash transfer programmes and other rules-based income distribution schemes proliferate in the recent decades. As my analysis reveals, these schemes were largely driven by presidents. As presidents gained control over the design and the funding of social policies, they used these powers to create the kinds of programmes that furthered their own electoral interests. That said, inefficient spending on clientelistic arrangements remains a problem in Brazil, as it does in much of the region. This, too, can be explained by my theory: clientelism's staying power reflects the fact that, despite recent reforms, legislators remain powerful. Exploiting that power, legislators have continued to do what they always do, rewarding clients and punishing dissenters, as illustrated by my analysis of the case of Argentina. Latin American presidents may now be gaining the upper hand, but until the power balance shifts decisively in their favour, we are unlikely to see rules-based distribution completely replacing traditional clientelistic arrangements in Latin American or, for that matter, anywhere else.

Background and importance: Rising drug prices are putting pressure on health care budgets. Policymakers are assessing how they can save money through generic drugs. Objective: The aim of this Ph.D. was to explore issues relating to the prices and usage of generic medicines in high- and middle-income countries in five articles. This was done using quantitative and qualitative methods, including price and Herfindahl-Hirschman indexes, difference-in-differences regression analyses, semi-structured stakeholder interviews, and literature reviews. As a Ph.D. "thesis by papers", each of the five articles should be read as a stand-alone piece. However, the thesis presents an overarching narrative, outlined at the end of Chapter 1. Novelty and empirical contribution: My original contributions to knowledge are: (i) updated analyses of generic drug policies, prices, and usage rates in high-income countries, based on a large, representative sample of generic medicines from 2013 (Chapters 2 and 3); (ii) evidence on the impact of a pharmaceutical tendering system on medicines prices, demand, and competition over a 15-year period (Chapter 4); (iii) quantitative data on the impact of therapeutic tendering on drug spending and prices (Chapter 5); and (iv) qualitative data on how a country can move from a fragmented health-care system to a single-payer one, using tendering as the basis for a comprehensive drug-benefit plan (Chapter 6). Key findings: The prices and market shares of generics varied widely across Europe. For example, prices charged by manufacturers in Switzerland were, on average, more than 2.5 times those in Germany and more than 6 times those in the United Kingdom, based on the results of a commonly used price index. However, the results varied depending on the choice of index, base country, unit of volume, method of currency conversion, and therapeutic category. The results also differed depending on whether one looked at the prices charged by manufacturers or those charged by pharmacists. The proportion of prescriptions filled with generics ranged from 17% in Switzerland to 83% in the United Kingdom. The results of the first two studies indicated that the countries which used tender or tender-like systems to set generic drug prices in retail pharmacies (ie, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden) had among the lowest prices among the countries included in the studies. Tendering can be an effective policy to procure essential medicines at low prices, based on analysis of data from South Africa and Cyprus. For instance, the average prices of antiretroviral therapies, anti-infective medicines, small-volume parenterals, drops and inhalers, solid-dose medicines, and family-planning agents dropped by roughly 40% or more between 2003 and 2016 in South Africa. Many tender contracts in South Africa remained competitive over time, based on the Herfindahl-Hirschman results, with some notable exceptions. However, the number of different firms winning contracts decreased over time in most tender categories. Also, there were large discrepancies between the drug quantities the health ministry estimated it would need to meet patient demand and the quantities the ministry went on to procure during tender periods. In South Africa, the introduction of therapeutic tendering was associated with an estimated 33% to 44% reduction in the prices of solid-dose drugs in 2014. National governments in countries aiming to introduce national health systems (eg, Cyprus and South Africa) will need to adapt their tendering systems and other pharmaceutical policies during transition periods. Future research directions: More research is needed to better understand the drivers of differences in generic drug prices between countries. It is also important to examine why there are large differences in the prices of drugs in various therapeutic areas, both within and between countries. Also, data from more countries, especially low- and middle-income ones, are needed to determine which features of tendering systems are associated with lower prices. Future studies should re-examine the South African therapeutic tendering system once data from more post-intervention periods are available, possibly using other research designs like interrupted time-series models (ie, segmented regression analysis). Policy implications: Price indexes are useful statistical approaches for comparing drug prices across countries, but policymakers should interpret price indexes with caution given their limitations. This thesis offers useful data for policymakers using, or planning to introduce, tendering systems, especially in countries aiming for universal health coverage, like Cyprus (Chapter 6) and South Africa (Chapters 4 and 5).

This is a case study of the development of plans for a piece of legislation and of the part played in that process by interest or pressure groups. It examines the wording of the National Health Service Act, 1946 and, in contrast, the health services of 1939. The main events of 1939 to 1946 are surveyed together with a review of the interest groups and their views. The main evidence of the study shows the development of plans for a National Health Service from the first plan put forward by Mr. E. Brown as Minister of Health (the plan of his officials rather than himself) through the 'White Paper of 1944 and the Revised White Paper of 1945 (both prepared by Mr. H.U. Willink as Minister) to the final plan adopted in the Act of 1946. Studied section by section the plan adopted by Mr. Sevan is shown as a development of the previous plans, together with changes necessary by the arrival of a new and powerful interest group, the Labour Party, rather than any dogmatic expression of party views. This analysis brings out quite clearly the following pattern. In the first place an official’s plan (Brown Plan) was prepared as a necessary basis for discussion with the groups. (Mr. Brown discarded it and therefore was unable to make any definite progress). As a result of these discussions, another plan (the White Paper) was drawn up as a basis for more detailed discussion (or negotiation). Bit by bit a plan emerged from this further discussion which seemed to command general agreement among the main groups. This, plan, the revised White Paper plan, was being translated into legislation when the general election of 1945 brought a change of government. Mr. Bevan, the new Minister, adopted the previous plan and applied to it, as far as he considered necessary to ensure his party's support, the views of the Labour Party. The result was the National Health Service Act, 1946. In a final section some suggestions for a wider study on the role of interest groups in the drafting of legislation are made.

The purpose of this work is to identify the particular changes in the movement for social justice for African Americans. Great strides in the advancement of social justice began just after the Second World War. Issues of ideology, foreign policy, advancement in education, and growing activism led to what is known as the Civil Rights Movement. The Civil Rights Movement was a determined effort by African Americans and their supporters to eliminate legal and societal oppression. Measured by the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Act of 1965, and the equal opportunity employment section of Lyndon Johnson’s Executive Order 11246, the movement was considered a success. Those victories certainly helped African Americans experience greater equality and opportunities to better their lives. The fact remains, however, that there was more work to be done. This work will argue that social justice was advanced in large part because of the public school system. The public education system in America was and still is imperative to eradicating social injustice. Important new laws and policies regarding public schools such as affirmative action, the busing mandates, and the Elementary and Secondary Act of 1965 helped to bring social justice into the realm of possibility for African Americans. This work will show how the public education system was used in the struggle to secure social justice for African Americans in the years following the Civil Rights movement.

The purpose of this study is to bring to the attention of the public the educational life and contributions of Jesse Stuart

The major purpose of this thesis was to analyze and evaluate the development of the Married Women's Property Act of 1882. This Act exemplified the effort to improve the rights of women in nineteenth century Britain. Similar to the series of Reform Acts, the series of Married Women's Property Acts (1870, 1874, 1882 and 1893) represented the gradual extension of the tenets of Victorian liberalism to a broader portion of the English population. The unique feature of these Acts was that they marked the transcendence of liberalism over sexual barriers. In order to understand the significance of these Acts it was necessary to note the accepted image of a woman and a wife. The traditional Victorian ideal of womanhood guaranteed her subordination to the family and her husband. However, William Thompson and Mary Wollstonecraft were early advocates of the need for a reappraisal of a woman's social and economic role in society. A comparison between John Ruskin's "Of Queens' Gardens" and John Stuart Mill's The Subjection of Women revealed the two approaches to the problem of a woman's true position in Victorian society. The accepted social subordination of a woman and a wife was further substantiated by the law. Basically, upon marriage, a woman became a legal non -person. All of her possessions passed into her husband's hands. The degree of a husband's control varied with the specific type of property involved. In certain instance, owing to the provisions of restraint on anticipation developed through the laws of equity, a wife's property could be secured against possible encroachment by her husband. However, this provision did not establish a wife's financial independence. The main advantage of restraint on anticipation was to protect a family estate from an extravagant husband. The problem of a wife's economic status was precisely what the provisions of the Married Women's Property Act sought to remedy. The issue was first debated in Parliament in 1857, however, fears of disturbing domestic harmony thwarted any successful passage until 1870. The 1870 Act merely guaranteed a wife separate use of her earnings and wages. It was not until 1882, that Parliament passed a sweeping reform guaranteeing a wife the full sanctity of private property, thereby releasing her from the economic bondage to her husband. Although the debate over the merits of these Acts subsided within a very short time, their importance should not be minimized. They provided as important foundation for the blossoming debate for the eventual enfranchisement of women. More importantly, the Married Women's Property Acts signaled the beginning of the end of the Victorian view of the submissive wife.

It is the primary purpose of this thesis to resurrect the ideals, hopes, theories and accomplishments of a man whose active years paralleled the stormy and provocative years of slavery. It is desired, in the resuscitation of these events, to connect them properly with the contemporary features of the stated period.