In this thesis I examine the status of the rights recognised in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in New Zealand‘s domestic law. I contrast that status with the constitutional guarantees that Brazil, South Africa and Finland provide for these rights, and critique the principal objections made in New Zealand and elsewhere against them. I argue that greater domestic legal protection of economic, social and cultural rights is necessary and propose that they be incorporated into the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990.

In this thesis I examine the status of the rights recognised in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in New Zealand‘s domestic law. I contrast that status with the constitutional guarantees that Brazil, South Africa and Finland provide for these rights, and critique the principal objections made in New Zealand and elsewhere against them. I argue that greater domestic legal protection of economic, social and cultural rights is necessary and propose that they be incorporated into the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990.

Magister Legum - LLM

Magister Legum - LLM / This mini-thesis examines the issue of the implementation of the socio-economic rights provisions of the African Charter on Human and Peoples‘ Rights (ACHPR) at the national level, in a case study of Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). These rights which comprise the right to property, the right to work, the right to health, the right to education and the protection of the family and cultural rights in Articles 14 to 18 of the ACHPR are provided for and guaranteed in the DRC Constitution of 18 February 2006 in Articles 34 to 48 and, accordingly, are legally enforceable under the Constitution. This study was motivated by the fact that despite the enforceability of these rights under the DRC Constitution, the real situation in the DRC remains worrying in that the economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR) of the ACHPR are violated from day to day by the government. The majority of Congolese live in poverty, disease and ignorance; they lack jobs, food and other basic necessities, such as, water and electricity, in spite of DRC‘s abundant natural resources (such as, oil and gas); minerals (such as cobalt, vanadium, manganese, phosphate, and bauxite); iron ore; and precious tropical rain forests. This situation is due to certain reasons, including: bad governance; mismanagement of public finances by political authorities at the expense of the majority; lack or weakness of the institutions or organs of implementation; and the ignorance of the Congolese people about their socio-economic rights even if they are massively violated by their government. Consequently, the marginalisation of socio-economic rights which results in their non-protection and non-realisation in DRC leads to a low expectation of the State and Government by the people, corruption, exclusion, racism, xenophobia, inequality, diseases, poverty, a feeling of betrayal of the people, a crisis of state and governmental legitimacy, popular insurrections and civil war in the country. To prevent the above consequences requires the DRC State to comply with Article 1 of the ACHPR which declares that the Member States of the Organization of African Unity that are parties to the ACHPR shall recognise the rights, duties and freedoms enshrined in it and shall undertake to adopt legislative or other measures to give effect to them. In addition, as the ACHPR complements human rights protection at the domestic level where the rights protected in the Charter should be realised, it is important for DRC to ensure that the ESCR of the ACHPR protected in its Constitution are given full legal effect under domestic law, such that the Charter‘s rights are made justiciable.

Social Economic Rights are included in the South African Constitution (the Constitution) as justiciable rights. This study critically examines the added benefits and implications for South Africa to ratify the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (OP-ICESCR). Explores some key laws, policies and case law which would give a clear picture as to where South Africa stands in its delivery of Social Economic Rights and discusses some of the key areas of difficulties in the implementation and enforcement of Social and Economic Rights in South Africa. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Lilian Chenwi, Faculty of law, University of Western Cape, South Africa. / LLM Dissertation (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa -- University of Pretoria, 2009. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This research aims to answer the question whether Ethiopia has adopted adequate measures to realize the right to housing. This dissertation will be informative to many Ethiopians about their right to housing vis-à-vis the duty of the government and the measures it has taken. It can also serve as an incentive for the government to take adequate steps to realize the right to housing thereby influencing policy-making. Further, the research will bridge the gap in the existing literature on the subject. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Atangcho Nji Akonumbo of the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaoundé, Cameroon. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dimas Pereira Duarte Junior.pdf: 1429565 bytes, checksum: ea427fb53ee2706709ec2e68c61f12d8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-16 / The study of the issue of accountability has been in evidence on the political agenda worldwide, anchor itself, especially as prerequisite for the construction of representative democracies or successful poliarquies. If within the term of Political Science already acquired privileged status and features quite prepared, the same can not be said with regard to their employment at international level. His introduction in International Relations occurs with the crisis of the nation-state and with the advent of international norms protecting human rights, inserted within the United Nations from 1948 that, during the twentieth century, came to pronounce and recognize a list of rights and subject of law increasingly extensive. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to analyze the impact of mechanisms for monitoring the rights set out in the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of United Nations, adopted in 1966, in the process of justiciability of these rights in Brazil from 1988, when the new constitution is promulgated saddle the restoration of the democratic system and the institutionalization of human rights and country. Assuming that the international landscape that was created after the Second War, not only recognizes the states as subjects of law is the premise of which is that the systematic part of the international accountability of economic social and cultural rights inserted within United Nations does not have sufficient sanctioning instruments for wanting the international responsibility of the State for non-compliance of obligation under the 1966 pact. However, considering the fact that the viability of the exercise of the rights set out in the pact under consideration is for the State party and not the International Organization that monitors what is shown from the analysis of the Brazilian case, is that the finalization of international accountability can be complemented by internal mechanisms, under its own legal system and constitutional homeland, mainly through the actions of the Federal Public Ministry which has at its disposal various legal instruments provided for both the Federal Constitution of 1988 as the infra-constitutional legislation / O estudo do tema da accountability tem estado em evidência na agenda política mundial, ancorando-se, sobretudo, como pressuposto para a construção de democracias representativas ou poliarquias bem-sucedidas. Se no âmbito da ciência política o termo já adquirira status privilegiado e feições bastante elaboradas, não se pode dizer o mesmo no que concerne ao seu emprego no plano internacional. Sua introdução nas relações internacionais deu-se com a crise do Estado-Nação e com o advento da normativa internacional de proteção dos direitos humanos, preceituada no âmbito da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) a partir de 1948, que, ao longo do século XX, passou a proclamar e reconhecer um elenco de direitos e de sujeitos de direito cada vez mais extensos. O objetivo do presente estudo, portanto, é analisar o impacto dos mecanismos de monitoramento dos direitos enunciados no Pacto Internacional de Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais das Nações Unidas, adotado em 1966, na justicialização dos referidos direitos no Brasil a partir de 1988, quando, promulgada a nova Constituição, selou-se a restauração do regime democrático e a institucionalização dos direitos humanos no país. A premissa da qual se parte é que a sistemática da international accountability dos direitos econômicos, sociais e culturais preceituada no âmbito das Nações Unidas não dispõe de instrumentos sancionatórios suficientes para ensejar a responsabilização internacional do Estado por não-cumprimento de obrigação prevista no Pacto de 1966. No entanto, considerando que a viabilização do exercício dos direitos enunciados no Pacto em estudo compete ao Estado-parte e não à Organização Internacional que o monitora, constata-se, com a análise do caso brasileiro, que a finalização da international accountability pode ser completada por mecanismos internos, previstos no próprio ordenamento jurídico-constitucional pátrio, sobretudo por meio da atuação do Ministério Público Federal que dispõe de instrumentos jurídicos diversos previstos tanto na Constituição Federal de 1988 quanto na legislação infraconstitucional

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dimas Pereira Duarte Junior.pdf: 1429565 bytes, checksum: ea427fb53ee2706709ec2e68c61f12d8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-16 / The study of the issue of accountability has been in evidence on the political agenda worldwide, anchor itself, especially as prerequisite for the construction of representative democracies or successful poliarquies. If within the term of Political Science already acquired privileged status and features quite prepared, the same can not be said with regard to their employment at international level. His introduction in International Relations occurs with the crisis of the nation-state and with the advent of international norms protecting human rights, inserted within the United Nations from 1948 that, during the twentieth century, came to pronounce and recognize a list of rights and subject of law increasingly extensive. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to analyze the impact of mechanisms for monitoring the rights set out in the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of United Nations, adopted in 1966, in the process of justiciability of these rights in Brazil from 1988, when the new constitution is promulgated saddle the restoration of the democratic system and the institutionalization of human rights and country. Assuming that the international landscape that was created after the Second War, not only recognizes the states as subjects of law is the premise of which is that the systematic part of the international accountability of economic social and cultural rights inserted within United Nations does not have sufficient sanctioning instruments for wanting the international responsibility of the State for non-compliance of obligation under the 1966 pact. However, considering the fact that the viability of the exercise of the rights set out in the pact under consideration is for the State party and not the International Organization that monitors what is shown from the analysis of the Brazilian case, is that the finalization of international accountability can be complemented by internal mechanisms, under its own legal system and constitutional homeland, mainly through the actions of the Federal Public Ministry which has at its disposal various legal instruments provided for both the Federal Constitution of 1988 as the infra-constitutional legislation / O estudo do tema da accountability tem estado em evidência na agenda política mundial, ancorando-se, sobretudo, como pressuposto para a construção de democracias representativas ou poliarquias bem-sucedidas. Se no âmbito da ciência política o termo já adquirira status privilegiado e feições bastante elaboradas, não se pode dizer o mesmo no que concerne ao seu emprego no plano internacional. Sua introdução nas relações internacionais deu-se com a crise do Estado-Nação e com o advento da normativa internacional de proteção dos direitos humanos, preceituada no âmbito da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) a partir de 1948, que, ao longo do século XX, passou a proclamar e reconhecer um elenco de direitos e de sujeitos de direito cada vez mais extensos. O objetivo do presente estudo, portanto, é analisar o impacto dos mecanismos de monitoramento dos direitos enunciados no Pacto Internacional de Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais das Nações Unidas, adotado em 1966, na justicialização dos referidos direitos no Brasil a partir de 1988, quando, promulgada a nova Constituição, selou-se a restauração do regime democrático e a institucionalização dos direitos humanos no país. A premissa da qual se parte é que a sistemática da international accountability dos direitos econômicos, sociais e culturais preceituada no âmbito das Nações Unidas não dispõe de instrumentos sancionatórios suficientes para ensejar a responsabilização internacional do Estado por não-cumprimento de obrigação prevista no Pacto de 1966. No entanto, considerando que a viabilização do exercício dos direitos enunciados no Pacto em estudo compete ao Estado-parte e não à Organização Internacional que o monitora, constata-se, com a análise do caso brasileiro, que a finalização da international accountability pode ser completada por mecanismos internos, previstos no próprio ordenamento jurídico-constitucional pátrio, sobretudo por meio da atuação do Ministério Público Federal que dispõe de instrumentos jurídicos diversos previstos tanto na Constituição Federal de 1988 quanto na legislação infraconstitucional

This paper has concluded that the Diaspora contribute to the development of social, economic and political fields, which also means a high level of poverty reduction. This has been largely possible not least because of developments in computing and telecommunications, but also through the Diaspora's grassroots involvement. By being the only player who can get access to specific locations, and through their local knowledge the Diaspora can easily be seen as legitimate actors and therefore also play a unique role in peace processes. They are also not tied to bureaucratic structures on which they can act with direct effect. For example, they can assist quickly to different kinds of crisis situations, such as environmental disasters. Many governments and organizations are interested in cooperating with the Diaspora, but they also see many challenges with it. Further on, Diaspora can feel that their voices are not always heard. The essay has also reached a conclusion that a balance between the UN's two main conventions International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights increasingly may arise. This is thanks to the co-operations between liberal organizations and the Diaspora whose efforts may be in the private markets to create jobs and development, and their contributions in construction of social infrastructure. Other impacts on the organizational level may be towards more complex models of organization and partnerships, where not least the private sector may be included to a greater extent, which also demonstrates the enhanced globalization trends, where the private market is seen to be the answer to the solution of poverty. As regards to States and the role of various actors in these somewhat newer landscapes, they can also be a result from the processes of globalization and shifts in power from the state to the different levels at which non-state actors gets a stronger role. These processes may also have contributed to greater regionalization; forces which this paper found over time may be a competitor to a weak UN (and the EU) and therefore attract the Diaspora who also may find themselves to be better received there.

Depuis la création de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), plusieurs incompatibilités ont été détectées à propos des droits économiques, sociaux et culturels (DESC), les plus affectés par le commerce international. Bien que des recherches et des analyses ont été menées à propos de la relation entre les droits de l’homme et le droit de l’OMC, en raison du fait que le droit de l’OMC ne fasse pas de référence expresse aux droits de l’homme dans ses textes juridiques, faute de compétence matérielle pour ce faire, et que le mécanisme de règlement des différends n’ait jamais connu une affaire entre les membres portant sur l’invocation directe des droits de l’homme, ces études n’ont pas connu de réel progrès. Face à la nécessité de cohérence dans l’ordre juridique international et à la liaison inévitable entre les droits économiques, sociaux et culturels et les règles commerciales de l’OMC, il convient d’assurer une coordination adéquate entre les deux régimes par le biais d’outils juridiques permettant d’atteindre cet objectif. Pour ce faire, il est utile d’analyser, premièrement, la complexité des rapports entre les obligations issues de chacun de ces régimes spéciaux et les entraves à la conciliation entre elles, et, deuxièmement, évaluer les mécanismes existants dans le droit de l’OMC à même de contribuer à éviter les conflits avec les droits économiques, sociaux et culturels / Since the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO), several incompatibilities have been found, particularly with regard to economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR), which are the most affected by international trade. Research and analysis has been conducted on the relationship between human rights and WTO law, however, due to the fact that the WTO does not make explicit reference to human rights in its legal texts, by lack of substantive competence in the matter, and the dispute settlement mechanism has never a case between members on the direct invocation of human rights, these studies have not progressed. Given the need for coherence in the international legal order and the undeniable link between economic, social and cultural rights and the WTO trade rules, which implies normative conflicts, adequate coordination between the two regimes through is necessary by legal tools to achieve this objective. In order to do so, it is useful to analyze, firstly, the complexity of the relationship between the obligations arising from each of these special regimes and the obstacles to conciliation between them, and then to evaluate existing mechanisms in WTO law, which help to avoid conflicts with the economic, social and cultural rights