Esta pesquisa tem como objeto a formação de uma área de pesquisas sobre crime, violência e punição nas ciências sociais contemporâneas no Brasil(1968-2010) e sua relação com a constituição de um campo da segurança públicaconvergência entre campo científico e arenas de política pública -,concebido como parte de um dispositivo de saber-poder(Foucault, 2000;2005), que se pretende alternativo ao monopólio do saber jurídico e policial no sistema de justiça criminal. Considerando a conversão da \"violência urbana\" em problema público, analisamos como no debate sobre o tema se constituem pontes entre preocupações públicas e questões científicas a partir de centros de pesquisa e de sua articulação com redes de ativismo na sociedade civil e no interior do Estado. Estivemos atentos a dois aspectos: 1) de um lado, à constituição de especialidades ou (sub)disciplinas em meio às disputas entre grupos de pesquisa por recursos burocráticos no interior de um campo científico; 2) de outro, à formação de redes de atores voltadas à legitimação política dos princípios causais, normativos e instrumentais a que estão identificados. Em, outras palavras, os cientistas sociais são analisados como atores voltados à conversão de contextos de politização em processos de disciplinarização e de estatização. Buscamos, assim, problematizar as ambiguidades do duplo papel dos pesquisadores deste campo, como construtores de padrões organizacionais de autonomia científica e como reformadores se esforçando por transformar seus saberes em práticas de governo através da profissionalização dos agentes aserviço do Estado e da formalização dos saberes a partir dos quais a administração se legitima. Trata-se, em suma, de analisar a mobilização de cientistas sociais para se legitimarem como agentes reconhecidos na disputa pela imposição de uma visão legítima do fenômeno da violência que sirva de base para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas técnico-políticas de gestão do social por parte do Estado. Observamos que o embate entre correntes políticas nas agendas de reforma dos sistemas de justiça criminal e segurança pública tensio na o campo de pesquisas entre esforços de reconfiguração crítica do modelo de Ciências Criminais integradas ao Direito Penal e um modelo de Criminologia independente, como formação profissional na área de gestão da segurança pública e justiça criminal. / This research analyzes the formation of an area of research on crime, violence and punishment in contemporary social sciences in Brazil (1968-2010) and its relation to the constitution of a field of public security-convergence between scientific fields and arenas of political public designed as part as knowledge-power apparatus (Foucault, 2000; 2005), which is intended alternative to the monopoly of legal and police knowledge in the criminal justice system. Whereas the conversion of \" urban violence\" in public problem, we analyze how the debate on the subject constitute bridges between public concerns and issues from scientific research centers and their coordination with networks of activism in civil society and within the state . We were aware of two aspects:1) on one hand, the establishment of specialties or (sub)disciplines amidst disputes between research groups by bureaucratic resources within a scientific field; 2) otherwise, the formation of networks of actors facing the political legitimacy of causal, instrumental and normative principles that are identified. In other words, social scientists are as actors aimed at converting contexts of politicization in processes of disciplinarisation and étatisation. We seek, therefore, to question the ambiguities of the double role of researchers in this field, as builders of organizational standards of scientific autonomy and as reformers striving to transform their knowledge in governance practices through the professional development of staff in the service of the state and formalization of knowledge from which the administration is legitimized. It is, in short, to analyze the mobilization of social scientists to legitimize themselves as agents recognized in dispute by imposing a legitimate view of the phenomenon of violence as a basis for the development of new technical practices -management policies for social the State. We observed that the clash between current policy agendas for reform of criminal justice and public safety systems tightens the field of research efforts between critical reconfiguration of Criminal Sciences Integrated Model to the Criminal Law and Criminology independent model, as professional training in management of public security and criminal justice.

Esta pesquisa tem como objeto a formação de uma área de pesquisas sobre crime, violência e punição nas ciências sociais contemporâneas no Brasil(1968-2010) e sua relação com a constituição de um campo da segurança públicaconvergência entre campo científico e arenas de política pública -,concebido como parte de um dispositivo de saber-poder(Foucault, 2000;2005), que se pretende alternativo ao monopólio do saber jurídico e policial no sistema de justiça criminal. Considerando a conversão da \"violência urbana\" em problema público, analisamos como no debate sobre o tema se constituem pontes entre preocupações públicas e questões científicas a partir de centros de pesquisa e de sua articulação com redes de ativismo na sociedade civil e no interior do Estado. Estivemos atentos a dois aspectos: 1) de um lado, à constituição de especialidades ou (sub)disciplinas em meio às disputas entre grupos de pesquisa por recursos burocráticos no interior de um campo científico; 2) de outro, à formação de redes de atores voltadas à legitimação política dos princípios causais, normativos e instrumentais a que estão identificados. Em, outras palavras, os cientistas sociais são analisados como atores voltados à conversão de contextos de politização em processos de disciplinarização e de estatização. Buscamos, assim, problematizar as ambiguidades do duplo papel dos pesquisadores deste campo, como construtores de padrões organizacionais de autonomia científica e como reformadores se esforçando por transformar seus saberes em práticas de governo através da profissionalização dos agentes aserviço do Estado e da formalização dos saberes a partir dos quais a administração se legitima. Trata-se, em suma, de analisar a mobilização de cientistas sociais para se legitimarem como agentes reconhecidos na disputa pela imposição de uma visão legítima do fenômeno da violência que sirva de base para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas técnico-políticas de gestão do social por parte do Estado. Observamos que o embate entre correntes políticas nas agendas de reforma dos sistemas de justiça criminal e segurança pública tensio na o campo de pesquisas entre esforços de reconfiguração crítica do modelo de Ciências Criminais integradas ao Direito Penal e um modelo de Criminologia independente, como formação profissional na área de gestão da segurança pública e justiça criminal. / This research analyzes the formation of an area of research on crime, violence and punishment in contemporary social sciences in Brazil (1968-2010) and its relation to the constitution of a field of public security-convergence between scientific fields and arenas of political public designed as part as knowledge-power apparatus (Foucault, 2000; 2005), which is intended alternative to the monopoly of legal and police knowledge in the criminal justice system. Whereas the conversion of \" urban violence\" in public problem, we analyze how the debate on the subject constitute bridges between public concerns and issues from scientific research centers and their coordination with networks of activism in civil society and within the state . We were aware of two aspects:1) on one hand, the establishment of specialties or (sub)disciplines amidst disputes between research groups by bureaucratic resources within a scientific field; 2) otherwise, the formation of networks of actors facing the political legitimacy of causal, instrumental and normative principles that are identified. In other words, social scientists are as actors aimed at converting contexts of politicization in processes of disciplinarisation and étatisation. We seek, therefore, to question the ambiguities of the double role of researchers in this field, as builders of organizational standards of scientific autonomy and as reformers striving to transform their knowledge in governance practices through the professional development of staff in the service of the state and formalization of knowledge from which the administration is legitimized. It is, in short, to analyze the mobilization of social scientists to legitimize themselves as agents recognized in dispute by imposing a legitimate view of the phenomenon of violence as a basis for the development of new technical practices -management policies for social the State. We observed that the clash between current policy agendas for reform of criminal justice and public safety systems tightens the field of research efforts between critical reconfiguration of Criminal Sciences Integrated Model to the Criminal Law and Criminology independent model, as professional training in management of public security and criminal justice.

This thesis explores parliamentarians’ emotional labour in their workplace, and argues the enactment of passionate rationality is crucial to how parliamentarians accomplish vocational authenticity. The New Zealand parliamentary workplace is characterised by an elaborate set of feeling rules and a complex emotional culture. On entry to parliament, parliamentarians go through a period of identity transformation akin to a moral career. Parliamentarians must manage emotion to achieve their occupational identities according to local feeling rules. Based on analysis of in-depth group and individual interviews with parliamentarians, and focusing on the passage of the Civil Union Bill as an exemplar of parliamentarians’ emotion work, three interpretative repertoires were identified in their accounts of emotion in the workplace. These repertoires, The Game, The Performance and The Crusade are work-place specific meaning-making resources whose flexible deployment enabled parliamentarians to assert claims of occupational identity and vocational authenticity. These repertoires show the emotional labour involved in parliamentarians’ negotiation of shared meanings around ‘entering’ the occupational role and asserting the authenticity of their new identities. In particular, The Crusade repertoire makes available the subject position of the Knight, the subject position important for accomplishment of being a passionately rational worker. In this thesis, I introduce two new concepts for emotional labour in complex workplaces where that labour has both exchange and use value; emotional convocation and personified emotion. Together these concepts allow for a more thorough theorisation of emotion work than do existing concepts of emotional labour. Although developed in relation to the work of parliamentarians, personified emotion and emotional convocation have utility for understanding other contemporary experiences of work where emotion management within a complex emotional culture is fundamental to both occupational identity and the accomplishment of vocational authenticity.

This thesis explores the increasing medicalization of society, the process whereby social phenomenon are transformed into medical problems. Alike the general tendency of neuropsychiatric diagnoses, the number of people with ADHD (Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder) has increased and expanded from a boys’ diagnosis to include both adult men and women. Studies on the latter category is however scarce. The objective of the thesis is to contribute with a micro sociological and critical perspective on the effects of the biomedicalization process, by focusing women's experience of getting and living with ADHD. The empirical material consists of narrative interviews with sixteen women, diagnosed with ADHD in adulthood. The participants, age 20 to 50, were enrolled via Swedish NGOs in 2010 and 2013. The thesis resides on four analytical themes: biomedicalization, pharmaceuticalizaton, functionality and gender. It shows how diagnostics evokes processes that involve learning and using a biomedical terminology to describe and understand oneself. ADHD is, in general, depicted as diffuse, expansionary, masculine and deviant sociability and cognitivity. Unlike depression and anxiety, described as temporary and unwanted illnesses, the ADHD-diagnosis embraces the whole personality. Hence, the women find it difficult to identifying and separating ADHD from the self. Furthermore, categorizations of oneself as a ‘woman with ADHD’ imply constructions of individual and collective identity that has ideological implications, i.e. the individual narratives are related to grand narratives. These contradictory grand narratives bring about ideological dilemmas that are handled rhetorically in the women's everyday life. The masculine connotation of ADHD, for example, render the women experiencing themselves as transgressing not only femininity but also ADHD-personhood. Additionally, as social actions are attributed to the ‘ADHD brain’, the brain is portrayed as a pathological deviant and dysfunctional object for pharmaceutical intervention. Nevertheless, this discourse is also contested by the women by pointing to 1) positive aspects of the ‘ADHD-brain’ in everyday life, or 2) gender inequalities and demands of the late-modern society. Concluding, the women in this study are not only victims of their bodies or societal norms, but also agents negotiating – adapting and opposing to – expectations of how to be an ideal citizen or woman.

Fair trade is an alternative approach to international trade. It is both a social movement and an economic approach that aims to make trade fair for the many small scale producers disadvantaged in international trade. This thesis explores the discursive devices used by fair trade organisations to promote fair trade. These devices have two roles: to promote an ethical connection from consumer to producer and to involve the consumer in the work of fair trade through purchasing behaviour and political action. This second role refers to the politicisation of consumption whereby shopping becomes an act of political solidarity with disadvantaged producers. I explore these devices through narrative analysis, focusing on a thematic analysis of Trade Aid’s publication, Vital. My research is framed by Michael Goodman’s (2004) work on the semiotic production of fair trade. The concept of a reflexive consumer is explored. This is the idea that consumer awareness of the conditions surrounding production can lead to purchasing decisions that reflect care for the distant producer. This opening up of the concept of consumption involves an active and engaged consumer who chooses to purchase fair trade because they feel a connection to the work of these organisations. I am interested in the particular form this information takes in Vital. I apply narrative research methods to explore the meta-narrative of fair trade promoted in Vital that tells the reader about the work of fair trade organisations, the impact this has on the lives of producer and how they can be involved in the story as a consumer and as a global citizen.

This research paper is a study of the alumni of the Department of Social and Cultural Ecology Programme on Faculty of Humanities, Charles University (or "SKE"). The research is grounded in Bourdieu's reflexive sociology. In Bourdieu's terms, it studies the habitus of the SKE alumni in relation to the field of SKE. Inspired by Wacquant's carnal sociology, I do not put myself in the classical ethnographic position of "a researcher amongst bushmen": I am one of those I study. The main method used for studying the field of SKE was the observant participation of Loïc Wacquant. In the second part of the research, a questionnaire in combination with qualitative methods was used to identify the habitus of the alumni. As a result of the research, the field of SKE was described and basic contours of habitus were identified. With regards to reflexive sociology demands, a straight ethnographic confrontation of respondents would have to be conducted in order to identify the precise parameters of habitus. Therefore, I present the actual results as mere portal to a future enquiry. Key words: Alumni, Social and Cultural Ecology, milieu, habitus, reflexive sociology, carnal sociology.

Homelessness is a comprehensive social problem affecting approximately 744,000 people in the U.S. Despite consistent efforts from politicians, state and local leaders, and service providers, the number of homeless people continues to rise. Although there are some explanations in the literature to account for the increase of homelessness, the literature tends to not include the voices of the homeless themselves. The purpose of this phenomenological study, which used Maslow's hierarchy of needs as its conceptual framework, was to understand the life experiences of members of the homeless population, as perceived by four male residents of a mission in an eastern U.S. state. In depth interviews investigated the core research question of the participants' perceptions of what prevents them from living productive lives without the shelter. Follow up interviews were scheduled with each participant to verify the accuracy, context, and credibility of documented information. The process of horizonalization was used to analyze transcripts for meaning units that were then clustered into themes, sorted, and documented by alignment to the research question. After all transcribed interview protocols and the researcher's notes were analyzed, validity of the findings was improved through member checks and researcher bracketing to control bias. Data revealed that common themes of childhood abuse and mental health issues influenced shelter dependence, and that the desire for recovery kept the men from leaving. Results from this study can foster positive social change by informing therapeutic interventions that screen for and target specific underlying causes of chronic homelessness within the larger population of homeless adults. Such interventions can contribute to sustainable independence for those served as well as more efficient use of scarce program resources.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-96). / Thesis (D. Min.)--Trinity Episcopal School for Ministry, 2008.

The Internet was initially seen as a metaphor for democracy itself. However, commercialisation, incorporation into existing hierarchies and patterns of daily life and state control and surveillance appear to have undermined these utopian dreams. The vast majority of online activity now takes place in a handful of commercially owned spaces, whose business model rests on the collection and monetisation of user data. However, the upsurge of political action in the Middle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011, which many argued was facilitated by social media, raised the question of whether these commercial platforms that characterise the contemporary Internet might provide better venues for political speech than previous types of online spaces, particularly in authoritarian states. This thesis addresses the question of how the commercialisation of online spaces affects their ability to provide a venue for political speech in different political systems through a mixed-methods comparison of the U.S. and China. The findings of this thesis support the hypotheses drawn from existing literature: commercialisation is negative for political speech but it is less negative, even potentially positive, in authoritarian systems. However, this research uncovers a surprising explanation for this finding. The greater positivity of commercialisation for political speech in authoritarian systems seems to occur not despite the government but because of it. The Chinese state's active stance in monitoring, encouraging and crafting ideas about political speech has resisted its negative repositioning as a commercial product. In contrast, in the U.S., online political speech has been left to the market that sells back the dream of an online public sphere to users as part of its commercial model. There is still hope that the Internet can provide a venue for political speech but power, particularly over the construction of what it means to be a political speaker in modern society, needs to be taken back from the market.

VACONCELOS, Francisco Thiago Rocha. Violência e academia: a construção político-intelectual do Núcleo de Estudos da Violência (NEV/USP). 2009. 194f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2009. / Submitted by GLAUBENILSON CAVALCANTE (glaubenilson@yahoo.com.br) on 2011-11-23T14:11:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_DIS_FTRVASCONCELOS.pdf: 1501014 bytes, checksum: aaa61ce212e8dc45c14f6ffb1f267ce0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-01-11T15:00:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_DIS_FTRVASCONCELOS.pdf: 1501014 bytes, checksum: aaa61ce212e8dc45c14f6ffb1f267ce0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-01-11T15:00:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_DIS_FTRVASCONCELOS.pdf: 1501014 bytes, checksum: aaa61ce212e8dc45c14f6ffb1f267ce0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / The present study takes as an object the Violence Studies Nucleus (NEV) of the University of Sao Paulo (USP)privileging its role in the constitution of a field of reflection and professional acting on Violence Human Rights and Public Security. In this perspective I tried to compose a view of the networks of relations and theoretical and political affiliations between the social scientists that are or were part of the Nucleus with the aim of analyzing the history of confrontations that molded a particular style of thought and acting, of academic and political impact Analyzing the trajectory of the NEV I will try to apprehend basic aspects of the tendencies and tensions that follow the constitution of the field in focus, in particular the way the dilemmas of matching an analytical speech and a speech of intervention and human rights and public security The central objective of this study therefore is to analyze the intellectual-political construction of the institutional organization of knowledge in the field of the Sociology of Violence and its influence in the development of the subjects and the theoretical – methodological and political positioning In this way this inquiry can be relevant for the understanding of the development of Sociology in Brazil and the changes in the institutional system of scientific inquiry in the last decades from the relations created between science the State and the society Thus it will allow the questioning of the Sociology of Violence as a factor of production in the public security sector and the role of social scientists as political actors. / O presente estudo tem como objeto o Núcleo de Estudos da Violência (NEV) da Universidade de São Paulo (USP) privilegiando o seu papel na constituição de um campo de reflexão e atuação profissional sobre Violência Direitos Humanos e Segurança Pública. Nesta perspectiva procurei compor um panorama das redes de relações e filiações teóricas e políticas entre os cientistas sociais que fazem ou fizeram parte do Núcleo com o objetivo de analisar a história de confrontações que moldaram um particular estilo de pensamento e atuação de impacto acadêmico e político Analisando a trajetória do NEV buscarei apreender aspectos fundamentais das tendências e tensões que acompanham a constituição do campo em foco em particular o modo como se apresentam os dilemas da compatibilização entre um discurso analítico e um discurso de intervenção e entre direitos humanos e segurança pública O objetivo central deste estudo portanto é analisar a construção político-intelectual da organização institucional do saber no campo da Sociologia da Violência e a sua influência no desenvolvimento da temas posicionamentos teórico-metodológicos e políticos Desse modo esta pesquisa pode ser relevante para a compreensão do desenvolvimento da Sociologia no Brasil e das mudanças no sistema institucional de pesquisa científica nas últimas décadas a partir das relações criadas entre a ciência o Estado e a sociedade Assim sendo permitirá problematizar a Sociologia da Violência como fator de produção no setor da segurança pública e o papel dos cientistas sociais como atores políticos.