Apartheid helped create enclaves of safety and familiarity for some communities in South Africa, making those communities impermeable to outside influences, preserving class, culture, caste, religion and race into neat little packages. The demise of apartheid broke those enclaves, changing the landscape of those comfort zones and forcing them to reimagine a new sense of community. Clutching onto the remnants of this past, yet wanting liberation and economic change, these communities are fast learning that some things have got to give. Tongaat, a town constituted like most other South African Indian townships, is one that I grew up in. This research project is my personal journey in which I recount my own memories of the town’s culture, caste system and racial divides using the safety net of being an outsider yet having the privilege of being an insider. Through interviews I investigate if the residents of the town have taken possession of their new political freedoms since the end of apartheid from a class, culture, caste, race and economic perspective. I examine the policy interventions that were introduced in relation to land reform, housing, education and socio-economic empowerment to enable change on the social front. Have these interventions impacted on the lives of the towns inhabitants and what is the future of Tongaat? / XL2018

In this paper, I examine the connection between race and the morality of action. I argue that moral racial identitarianism, where this is the position that in some cases the moral status of a person’s actions depends on their race, is false. / A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Art in Applied Ethics for Professionals), 2017 / GR2018

It has almost been a decade since the inception of a 'New South Africa', without apartheid, which separated South Africans and classified them hierarchically according to their 'race'. The 'eradication' of apartheid has meant that South Africans have had to re-look at issues around racial identity without a dominating apartheid ideology. The purpose of the research was to describe and to look at some of the features and dynamics concerning racial identity that are prevalent in a post-apartheid South Africa. This was done by exploring the nature and type of interactions University of Natal Durban (UNO) students (doing a Human Behaviour and the Environment module) had with persons not from their own racial group, prior to coming to UNO as well as at UNO. The possible challenges, threats and opportunities students felt were afforded them because of their racial group were also explored. Literature concerning issues of racial identification in South Africa and other parts of the world was also examined. A descriptive research design, using a triangulated research methodology incorporating both quantitative and qualitative methods was used in the study. A non-probability sampling method with reliance on 83 available law, community development, nursing and psychology students representing the four racial classifications in South Africa, namely black, white, coloured and Indian was used. Data were collected through observations as well as through a self administered structured questionnaire. The findings of the research suggest that issues related to racial identification in a post-apartheid South Africa, for black, white, coloured and Indian students is in turmoil and requires reconstruction. The findings further indicated that questions about affirmative action and the future of non-black South Africans in South Africa is believed to be uncertain and negative. The issue of poverty and the internalised oppression and inferiority of black students was also identified to be problematic. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

Since the outbreak of the Soweto uprising in 1976 there has been a noticeable change in the thinking of the South African government. This change has been evident in the departure from classical Verwoerdian apartheid to reform apartheid where the state has increasingly undertaken a programme of restructuring of political positions. The main strategy has been to co-opt blacks into statutory bodies such as the homelands, the tricameral parliament and town councils. In response to this shift in policy, blacks have intensified resistance to reform apartheid by forming a number of "extra-system" organisations which have constituted the extra parliamentary opposition. Co-optive reforms have not been limited only to the political sphere, a number of social and economic measures intended to accommodate 'qualifying' blacks have also been introduced notably by the private sector. For instance, private corporations have attempted to 'deracialise' positions at work by instituting 'black advancement' programmes to integrate the workforce and allow for occupational mobility across all races. Further, there has been a measure of relaxation in the social sphere: petty apartheid in the form of restrictions on mixed audiences in places of entertainment has been abolished, the Immorality Act and the Mixed Marriages Act are no longer on the statute book and private schools as well as white liberal universities opened their doors to black pupils and students. The main objective of this thesis has been to establish how the African elites who qualify as the 'main beneficiaries' of these changes react to reform. The thesis is, therefore, a reflection of the attitudes of 93 respondents selected from the professional and managerial ranks, community leaders and opinion-makes in the Pretoria-Witwatersrand Vereeniging Complex in the Transvaal, the Durban-Pietermaritzburg region in Natal, and from the Eastern Cape. This almost covers the main urban metropolitan complexes excluding the Western Cape and the Orange Free State, and therefore, almost represents a national survey of African elites. Findings drawn from the data indicate that, in the main, African elites reject co-optation as an avenue of inclusion into the 'centre' of power primarily on political grounds. In the views of the majority of the subjects in this thesis, the solution to the national question is critical to any strategy of accommodation, and this precedes any other arrangements - economic educational etc. This 'primacy of the political' refutes any suggestions that a subordinate group may be won over through economic and status rewards without attending to the basic issues of human rights which are, in essence, political. Secondly, the findings demonstrate that co-optation as a hegemonic, strategy has not achieved the intended objectives. It has failed to legitimate a process of elite incorporation in spite of derived status and power that accrue to the beneficiaries as individuals. The subjects aligned themselves with the extra-parliamentary opposition as ideological opponents of apartheid including reform apartheid both in terms of policy and strategy. The thesis ends with three scenarios. The first postulates the failure of co-optation as a strategy and examines the possibility of non-collaboration as a successful substitute. This is, however, not possible in the immediate future given the power of the state on the one side and the weaknesses on the part of the extra-parliamentary opposition on the other, particularly at the level of organisation, and discipline as well as the capacity to deliver the requisite material goods and services to the masses. The second scenario projects a situation where co-optation succeeds. This is, again, a difficult scenario to realise given the massive opposition against the present state and the inability of the South African government, as is presently constituted, to address basic issues of human rights, issues which lie at the bottom of the present crisis. Finally, the remaining option is that the stalemate continues but with the possibility that both the present government and the extra-parliamentary opposition seek ways to reach workable alternatives as is crystalised in the pre-negotiations that are presently taking place. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1991.

This study aims to understand emerging black identities in contemporary South Africa. The focus is on the impact the radical transformation of the political and social system in South Africa is having on black identity. This study emphasises two key ideas: possibilities for the construction of black identity and the significance of apartheid on black identity, and how these two factors have impacted on the construction of black identity. A reflection on the work of Biko (1978) is used as the key theoretical framework for this study to understand the construction of black identity in the process of encounter with whiteness and encounter with racism. In this thesis, black people‟s autobiographies have been studied as a site where shared images of the past are actively produced and circulated: a site where a collective engagement with the past is both reflected and constructed. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

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The thesis is a study of the political relevance of the views of Karl Barth on Church and State as they relate to the apartheid State in South Africa. In other words, the thesis deals with the part that should be played by the Church in opposing the demonic power of apartheid. Barth's allembracing theology could be used as a catalyst to expose the evil of apartheid and the way in which this evil could be eradicated, in preparation for a democratic order. In Chapter 1, the investigator argues in favour of the use of a methodology which takes praxis as its focus. This suggests that praxis develops theory and the latter informs praxis. Praxis and theory affect each other, thus creating a circular movement wherein both theory and praxis are both individually necessary (or the development of the other). In Chapter 2, the investigator again describes Barth's early theology. A predominant characteristic of Barth's early theology is its concern about the Word of God as incarnated in Jesus Christ, and the attempt to focus its attention on the plight of workers in the employ of the capitalistic system. As the thesis develops in chapter 3, the researcher further shows Barth's contributions to the struggle between the Church and National Socialism and between the Church and communism, more especially in the countries falling within the communistic bloc. In Chapter 4, the investigator focuses strongly on the struggle of the Church against the tenets of apartheid ideology, using Barth's theology as a mediating voice. At the end of the thesis in chapter 5, the investigator deems it necessary to make suggestions and recommendations to round off the argument begun in the first chapter. The suggestions and recommendations are subjected to what obtains in Barth's theological ethics on the relations between the Church and State. By so doing, the investigator suggests ways and means by which South Africans can successfully work out a constitution which will enable all people in South Africa to prepare themselves for a new dispensation. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)

Domestic service constitutes one of the largest sources of employment for black women in South Africa. Yet it is a largely unstudied occupation. There has been no previous investigation of domestic workers in the Eastern Cape, and to date only two comprehensive studies of domestic workers in other areas of South Africa. This neglect is significant, for such inquiry involves questioning the accepted pattern of inequalities on which the entire social order is based.

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, / Between Union in 1910 and the start of World War Two, urban racial segregation in South African cities evolved through three distinct periods. Initially, the predominantly white cities were the target of colonial planning initiatives to reduce overcrowding and prevent the development of industrial slums. After World War One, the regulation of African urbanisation was the primacy focus of urban policy. The living standards of the urban workforce were to be improved and controlled by excluding unemployed African people, by forcing the majority of the urban African workforce into compound quarters, and by establishing limited accommodation for African families in town. The racial administration of urban poverty was entrenched in the 1930s when, faced with the persistent growth of slums.the state bolstered white welfare initiatives and imposed even tighter residential restrictions on blacks living in urban areas. Abbreviation abstract) / Andrew Chakane 2019

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to understand the causes and nature of xenophobia in South Africa. It investigates this through the case of De Doorns, where in November 2009 3000 Zimbabweans were chased out of their homes, which were subsequently looted and destroyed. This case was chosen because it is an example of a xenophobic incident that went beyond xenophobic attitudes to manifest in violent behaviour towards African migrants. The study was guided though three questions. (1) How can the violent xenophobic attacks in De Doorns be explained? (2) Do the explanations for xenophobia offer sufficient explanation for the causes and nature of xenophobia in De Doorns? (3) Are the causes for xenophobia still evident in De Doorns? To answer the first and third questions key informant interviews with relevant organisations were conducted with Agri Wes-Cape, the Hex River Valley Table Grape Association and People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). In addition, published work (reports and an article) has been analysed. To answer the second question, literature on the topic of xenophobia was reviewed and the findings compared to the answers found for the first question. The key findings in this study were, firstly, that the causes for xenophobia were twofold: there was a context and there were underlying causes; in addition there were specific triggers for the xenophobia. This twofold explanation is evident in Horowitz’s ethnic violence theory, where he takes into consideration both external contextual causes and immediate locality-bound causes. The context was the farming community of De Doorns, characterised by casual work, job insecurity and (often) poor living conditions. The underlying causes were found to be locals’ frustration with and perceptions of Zimbabweans; this led to the development of xenophobic attitudes. In addition, labour brokers were found to have worsened the situation by encouraging causal work and by skimming off workers’ payments. Government insufficiencies were also an underlying condition: there was lack in an early warning system and there were service delivery failures. These underlying conditions gave a breeding ground for the triggers of the violence to operate. These triggers were found to be of a local political character, and these highlighted the explanatory value of Misago’s micropolitics theory. A local councillor stirred up the xenophobia to gain popularity for re-election before the upcoming local government elections. From this it is found that with similar or worse underlying condition xenophobia could flourish, given the ‘right’ triggers. This is an important finding in light of the up coming local government elections in 2016. In terms of the nature of the xenophobia in South Africa, it is argued that this often goes beyond the expression of xenophobic attitudes, and takes the form of violent xenophobic behaviour which is usually targeted at black African migrants. Explanations for this violence have historical roots in the armed struggle and it illicits a response from government. Why black Africans? Their proximity and their vulnerability are put forward as explanations, though it is also recognized that current explanations are insufficient. / AFRIKKANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie se oogmerk is om die oorsake en aard van xenofobie in Suid-Afrika te verstaan. Dit word ondersoek deur die geval van De Doorns, waartydens November 2009 3000 Zimbabwiërs uit hul huise gejaag is wat geplunder en vernietig is. Hierdie geval is gekies omdat dit ‘n voorbeeld van ‘n xenofobiese geval is wat verder as die xenofobiese houdings gegaan het om in gewelddadige gedrag teenoor immigrante uit Afrika te manifesteer. Die studie is deur drie vrae gelei: (1) Hoe kan die gewelddadige xenofobiese aanvalle in De Doorns verduidelik word? (2) Bied die verduidelikings vir xenofobie genoegsame verduideliking vir die oorsake en aard van xenofobie in De Doorns? (3) Is die oorsake van xenofobie steeds sigbaar in De Doorns? Om die eerste en derde vrae te beantwoord is sleutel informante onderhoude met relevante organisasies gevoer naamlik Agri Wes-Kaap, Die Hexriviervallei Tafeldruif Vereniging en People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP). Daarby is gepubliseerde werk (verslae en ‘n artikel) ook ontleed. Om die tweede vraag te beantwoord is literatuur oor die onderwerp van xenofobie hersien en die bevindinge vergelyk met die antwoorde op die eerste vraag. Die sleutel bevindings in hierdie studie was eerstens dat die oorsake vir xenofobie tweeledig was: daar was ‘n konteks en onderliggende oorsake; daar was ook bykomende snellers vir die xenofobie. Hierdie tweeledige verduideliking is duidelik in Horowitz se etniese geweldsteorie, waar hy beide eksterne kontekstuele oorsake en onmiddelike ligging-gebonde oorsake. Die konteks was die plaasgemeenskap van De Doorns wat gekenmerk is deur informele werk, werksonsekerheid, en (dikwels) swak lewensomstandighede. Hierdie onderliggende oorsake is bevind om die plaaslike inwoners se frustrasie met en siening van Zimbabwiërs te wees; dit het aanleiding gegee tot xenofobiese houdings. Daar is verder gevind dat arbeidsmakelaars die situasie vererger het deur die aanmoediging van informele werk en die afskeer van werkers se betalings. Regeringstekortkominge was ook ‘n onderliggende oorsaak: daar was ‘n gebrek aan ‘n vroeë waarskuwingstelsel terwyl diensverskaffing ook misluk het. Hierdie onderliggende toestande het ‘n broeiplek aan die snellers van die geweld gegee om te funksioneer. Daar is bevind dat die snellers ‘n plaaslike politieke karakter gehad het en beklemtoon die verklarende waarde van Misago se mikro-politieke teorie. ‘n Plaaslike raadslid het die xenofobie aangewakker om gewildheid te verwerf vir herverkiesing voor die toekomstige plaaslike verkiesings. Vanuit hierdie is daar bevind dat xenofobie met soortgelyke of erger onderliggende toestande kan floreer, met die ‘regte’ snellers. Dit is ‘n belangrike bevinding in die lig van die toekomstige plaaslike regeringsverkiesings in 2016. In terme van die aard van xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word daar gearguenteer dat dit dikwels verder gaan as die uitdrukking van xenofobiese houdings en die vorm neem van gewelddadige xenofobiese gedrag wat dikwels op swart immigrante van Afrika gemik is. Verklarings vir hierdie geweld het geskiedkundige oorsake in die gewapende stryd en ontlok ‘n reaksie van die regering. Hoekom swart Afrikane? Hulle nabyheid en kwesbaarheid word aangebied as verklarings terwyl dit egter ook herken word dat huidige verklarings onvoldoende is.