This study examines whether Canada’s military’s interoperability with the United States affects Canadian sovereignty. The literature dealing with this subject is highly polarized arguing that such interoperability either significantly reduces our sovereignty or that it is necessary to maintain it. Successive Canadian governments, for example, have traditionally supported the military view that high levels of interoperability with our allies are needed for operations to proceed safely and effectively and that this poses no cost to Canadian sovereignty. The interoperability critics strongly disagree, arguing that increased interoperability, especially if it is with the United States, will diminish our foreign policy independence, our ability to refuse US military adventures, and our domestic sovereignty. In a limited sense this division in the literature allows one to comprehend the broad contours of the issue. Otherwise, recent works are marked by shifting definitions and unclear methodologies. These shortcomings have led to a reliance on conjecture, with the critics predicting damaging “future implications” as a result of Canada’s interoperability policies while governments promise outright gains. As a result, the Canadian public that underwrites the financial costs of such multi-billion dollar investments as the new F-35 fighter have little to guide them in assessing the widely claimed interoperability and sovereignty benefits or costs of the purchase. This thesis set about correcting these shortcomings by examining Canada’s interoperability history, defining the terms, developing clear hypotheses, and then testing them against recent issues and events. These included Canada's response to 9/11 and our decisions to participate, or not, in the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the war in Afghanistan. These produced six case studies within which events were assessed against the hypotheses that test for sovereignty gains or losses. The subsequent evaluation concluded that Canadian sovereignty was rarely at risk from Canada's military interoperability policy and Canada was normally able to enjoy an independent foreign policy. The only area where there were successive sovereignty costs was when Canada became overly dependent on US capabilities. This thesis also argued that the methodology would be useful in gauging the sovereignty implications of future cooperative projects.

Over the past several decades, food systems around the world have come to be increasingly dominated by a ‘conventional’ model, wherein production is heavily dependent on industrially-produced external inputs, and trade characterized by a globalized free market. However, alternatives to this model – that seek to challenge its hegemonic status and address its environmental, social, and economic shortcomings – are continuously emerging. While some of these alternatives are narrower in scope, others attempt more transformative change. One example of the latter category is the Red Mexicana de Tianguis y Mercados Orgánicos (Mexican Network of Local Organic Markets), which strives to move beyond the boundaries of the mainstream organic and local food sectors, instead adopting the more holistic discourse of the food sovereignty movement. The process of translating this discourse into practice remains a work in progress. Significant achievements have been made on a number of fronts, most notably: new market opportunities have been opened for small-scale, ecological producers; attitudes and behaviours regarding both production and consumption have been shifted, and; new institutions – that help enable and reinforce new values and behaviours – have begun to be constructed. Unsurprisingly, challenges exist as well. These include: significant reliance on donated resources; continued dependence on a relatively small group of leaders; the relative fragility of newly emerging institutions, and; a pervasive pessimism regarding the ability to scale up change within a context of political institutions perceived as corrupt, and beholden to agri-business influence. Although such challenges do constrain, to an extent, the efficacy of the organization, they do not by any means diminish the powerful impact of its work to demonstrate that alternative agri-food visions are possible. / Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, International Development Research Centre

La Vía Campesina is an international network of peasant farmers that, since 1996, has promoted the concept of food sovereignty. More recently, this collection of over 160 groups worldwide has been connecting this concept with climate justice issues. Drawing on interviews conducted during the 2012 People’s Summit that took place in Rio de Janeiro, and an analysis of the network’s documents, I consider its work in relation to its member organizations and a broader movement tackling the systemic issues that are driving a range of social, economic and ecological crises. I contend that, while many of Vía Campesina’s proposals will require the establishment of intricate processes and systems depending on the geographic, political and cultural context in question, the network is demonstrating that its radical critiques, proposals and decision-making processes may help contribute to a larger counter-hegemonic narrative as a force to counteract global capitalism.

Performing Resistance/ Negotiating Sovereignty: Indigenous Women’s Performance Art In Canada investigates the contemporary production of Indigenous performance and video art in Canada in terms of cultural continuance, survivance and resistance. Drawing on critical Indigenous methodology, which foregrounds the necessity of privileging multiple Indigenous systems of knowledge, it explores these themes through the lenses of storytelling, decolonization, activism, and agency. With specific reference to performances by Rebecca Belmore, Lori Blondeau, Cheryl L'Hirondelle, Skeena Reece and Dana Claxton, as well as others, it argues that Indigenous performance art should be understood in terms of i) its enduring relationship to activism and resistance ii) its ongoing use as a tool for interventions in colonially entrenched spaces, and iii) its longstanding role in maintaining self-determination and cultural sovereignty. / Thesis (Ph.D, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2011-09-30 09:07:41.999

In recent years, there have been several proposals for large-scale human genotyping projects in the developing world. The dissertation presented here explores the motivations, opportunities and challenges of initiating locally led, large-scale genotyping projects documenting human genomic variation in the developing world. I analyze two case studies: the Indian Genome Variation Consortium in India and the University of Cape Town, Department of Human Genetics and the African Genomics Education Initiative in South Africa. These case studies, together with similar projects in Mexico and Thailand provide compelling reasons for pursuing these projects: the potential to address local health needs and reduce health care costs; the opportunity to stimulate economic development through investments in genomic sciences, and the availability of unique population resources. In an effort to capture the value of these investments and promote an equal stake in international collaborations, Mexico and India have developed guidelines and laws to protect local human genetic material as a sovereign resource, referred to here as ‘genomic sovereignty’. Critics have suggested that it can impede international collaborations and reduce access to external funding. I provide an in depth analysis of genomic sovereignty and how it may contribute to each country’s aim of achieving health equity through investments in genomics, its relation to heritage and patrimony, and its potential limitations. The debate is critical, as the knowledge generated from large-scale human genomic research will need to be interpreted in larger international collaborative efforts before it can lead to health benefits. Qualitative case study methodology is employed and the primary data source consists of interviews conducted with key informants. The research described here provides a source of empirical description and analysis that is informing the framing of policies, principles and practices on how research infrastructure and capacity are being established for human genomic sciences in developing countries.

La Vía Campesina is an international network of peasant farmers that, since 1996, has promoted the concept of food sovereignty. More recently, this collection of over 160 groups worldwide has been connecting this concept with climate justice issues. Drawing on interviews conducted during the 2012 People’s Summit that took place in Rio de Janeiro, and an analysis of the network’s documents, I consider its work in relation to its member organizations and a broader movement tackling the systemic issues that are driving a range of social, economic and ecological crises. I contend that, while many of Vía Campesina’s proposals will require the establishment of intricate processes and systems depending on the geographic, political and cultural context in question, the network is demonstrating that its radical critiques, proposals and decision-making processes may help contribute to a larger counter-hegemonic narrative as a force to counteract global capitalism.

Part A traces back the origins of the conflicting claimsto sovereignty over the area now called the West-Bank. The analysis shows that a sovereignty vacuum ensued after Turkey relinquished by treaty its rights and title over Palestine and that subsequently that vacuum remained in the area earmarked for an Arab Palestinian State. Part B peruses the constituent elements for the legality or illegality of the sovereignty claims invoked by the parties concerned: the use of force and the act of selfdefence. Part C demonstrates that Israel has eroded the law of belligerent occupation through a system of military orders, which virtually precludes the West-Bank Palestinians from exercising their valid claim to sovereignty. Part D reviews feasible options for a solution of the conflicting claims to sovereignty over the West-Bank. The last chapter proposes a solution which, taken in consideration the legally correct view, would entitle the Palestinians to fill up the sovereignty vacuum through an internationally guaranteed exercise of self-determination / La partie A retrace les origines des revendications contradictoires de souveraineté sur la région de l'actuelle Rive occidentale. L'analyse démontre qu'il existe un "vide" de souveraineté après l'abandon par la Turquie par traité de ses droits et titres sur la Palestine. Ce vide juridique persiste dans la régiondesignéepourla création d'un EtatPalestinien.LapartieBpasseenrevuelesélémentsconstitutifsdelalégalitéoul'illégalitédesrevendicationsdesouverainetéprésentéesparlespartiesconcernées:lerecoursàla forceetl'acte d'auto-défense.La partie C tend à prouver que Israël a vidé de son sens le régime juridique du droit d'occupation militaire par le truchement d'un système d'ordres militaires empêchant les palestiniens de la Rive occidentale d'exercer leur revendications légitimes de souveraineté. La partie D discute la gamme des solutions se référant aux revendications contradictoires de souveraineté sur la région de la Rive occidentale. Le chapitre final esquisse une proposition, qui autoriserait les Palestiniens, compte tenu de la position juridique correcte, à combler ce vide de souveraineté par l' intermédiaire de l'exercice, garanti au plan international, du droit à l'autodétermination.

Nors 1990 m. atgavusi nepriklausomybę Lietuva pademonstravo ryžtą kuo greičiau šalyje įtvirtinti visuotinai pripažintus žmogaus teisių principus, visgi įvertinant vėlesniais nepriklausomybės metais valstybės formuojamą politiką, nėra visiškai aišku, kieno interesai – valstybės ar individo – yra aktualesni ir kaip (ar) jie tarpusavyje dera Lietuvos valstybės politikoje. Disertacijos tikslas – ištirti, ar valstybės suverenitetas ir žmogaus teisės yra (ne)suderinami vienas su kitu Lietuvos nacionalinės žmogaus teisių politikos formavimo kontekste. Siekiant užsibrėžto tikslo analizuojamas Lietuvos žmogaus teisių politikos formavimosi kontekstas, jį įtakojantys veiksniai, nacionalinė žmogaus teisių teisinė bazė, keturiolika Vyriausybės programų per žmogaus teisių prizmę. Atliekant tyrimą naudojama teisės aktų ir dokumentų analizė, pusiau struktūruotas kokybinis interviu, taip pat palyginamoji analizė. Empiriniai tyrimo duomenys rodo, kad Lietuvos politika žmogaus teisių atžvilgiu yra fragmentiška, stokojanti integralumo, tolygaus dėmesio visoms žmogaus teisėms ir joje stipriai išreikšta socialinė, ekonominė dimensija. Tokios politikos kontekste žmogaus teisių ir valstybės suvereniteto tarpusavio sąryšis vertintinas nevienareikšmiškai. Viena vertus, išorinis suverenitetas yra suderinamas su žmogaus teisėmis; jie papildo vienas kitą. Tuo tarpu vidaus politikoje valstybės interesų viršenybė individo atžvilgiu sudaro prielaidas teigti, kad žmogaus teisės nėra suderinamos su vidiniu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / After regaining its independence in 1990, Lithuania has demonstrated the will to establish the universal human rights standards in the country as soon as possible. However, taking into account the country’s policy in the later years of independence, it’s not clear whose interests – state of individual – are more important and how these concepts coexist in the framework of Lithuanian human rights policy. The aim of the research is to examine wherever state sovereignty and human rights are (in)compatible with each other in the policy-making context of Lithuanian human rights policy. Aiming to achieve the above mentioned aim the Lithuanian human rights policy-making context, factors affecting this policy, national legal basis on human rights, fourteen programmes of the Government through the prism of human rights are analyzed. In conducting the research the following research methods were used: documents and legal acts analysis, semi-structured interview, as well as comparative analysis. Empirical research data indicates that Lithuanian human rights policy could be described as fragmented, lacking integrity and balanced attention to all human rights; strongly expressed social economical dimension the other key feature of this policy. In the context of such policy the relation between the human rights and state sovereignty is rather mixed. On the one hand, the external sovereignty is compatible with human rights and freedoms; they complement each other. Meanwhile the supremacy of... [to full text]

After regaining its independence in 1990, Lithuania has demonstrated the will to establish the universal human rights standards in the country as soon as possible. However, taking into account the country’s policy in the later years of independence, it’s not clear whose interests – state of individual – are more important and how these concepts coexist in the framework of Lithuanian human rights policy. The aim of the research is to examine wherever state sovereignty and human rights are (in)compatible with each other in the policy-making context of Lithuanian human rights policy. Aiming to achieve the above mentioned aim the Lithuanian human rights policy-making context, factors affecting this policy, national legal basis on human rights, fourteen programmes of the Government through the prism of human rights are analyzed. In conducting the research the following research methods were used: documents and legal acts analysis, semi-structured interview, as well as comparative analysis. Empirical research data indicates that Lithuanian human rights policy could be described as fragmented, lacking integrity and balanced attention to all human rights; strongly expressed social economical dimension the other key feature of this policy. In the context of such policy the relation between the human rights and state sovereignty is rather mixed. On the one hand, the external sovereignty is compatible with human rights and freedoms; they complement each other. Meanwhile the supremacy... [to full text] / Nors 1990 m. atgavusi nepriklausomybę Lietuva pademonstravo ryžtą kuo greičiau šalyje įtvirtinti visuotinai pripažintus žmogaus teisių principus, visgi įvertinant vėlesniais nepriklausomybės metais valstybės formuojamą politiką, nėra visiškai aišku, kieno interesai – valstybės ar individo – yra aktualesni ir kaip (ar) jie tarpusavyje dera Lietuvos valstybės politikoje. Disertacijos tikslas – ištirti, ar valstybės suverenitetas ir žmogaus teisės yra (ne)suderinami vienas su kitu Lietuvos nacionalinės žmogaus teisių politikos formavimo kontekste. Siekiant užsibrėžto tikslo analizuojamas Lietuvos žmogaus teisių politikos formavimosi kontekstas, jį įtakojantys veiksniai, nacionalinė žmogaus teisių teisinė bazė, keturiolika Vyriausybės programų per žmogaus teisių prizmę. Atliekant tyrimą naudojama teisės aktų ir dokumentų analizė, pusiau struktūruotas kokybinis interviu, taip pat palyginamoji analizė. Empiriniai tyrimo duomenys rodo, kad Lietuvos politika žmogaus teisių atžvilgiu yra fragmentiška, stokojanti integralumo, tolygaus dėmesio visoms žmogaus teisėms ir joje stipriai išreikšta socialinė, ekonominė dimensija. Tokios politikos kontekste žmogaus teisių ir valstybės suvereniteto tarpusavio sąryšis vertintinas nevienareikšmiškai. Viena vertus, išorinis suverenitetas yra suderinamas su žmogaus teisėmis; jie papildo vienas kitą. Tuo tarpu vidaus politikoje valstybės interesų viršenybė individo atžvilgiu sudaro prielaidas teigti, kad žmogaus teisės nėra suderinamos su vidiniu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Local food networks (LFNs) have engendered a great deal of debate in the food justice community; scholars and activists are dubious about the potential of LFNs to contribute to the subversion of the very hierarchies of privilege that created the need for the food justice movement. Using a case study of the Claremont, California area local food network, I operationalize a definition of LFNs, defining them by the people, activities, and exchanges involved in the local food network. I provide a grounded view of these three facets of the Claremont area local food network to analyze the extent to which the network both perpetuates and subverts hierarchies of privilege. About 40 ethnographic interviews with key players in the Claremont area local food network show that the network is a patchwork of identities, values, goals, methods, interactions, and outcomes. The subversion and perpetuation of hierarchies of privilege occur simultaneously in nearly every part of the local food network, and the network has potential to enhance the subversive aspects to work towards a larger political challenge.