Orientador: Liliana Rolfsen Petrilli Segnini / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T10:51:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas_MarcilioRodrigues_D.pdf: 3043330 bytes, checksum: a0f2bdab5bee59caf15b47e518ab7ad8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa dilemas do marxismo em torno da questão da racionalização do trabalho no século XX, especialmente no período entreguerras, quando se difundia pelo mundo capitalista os princípios tayloristas de organização científica do trabalho. Tais dilemas se relacionam ao fato de que o desenvolvimento da grande indústria moderna e a difusão dos princípios tayloristas permitiram uma grande elevação da produtividade do trabalho, ao mesmo tempo em que exacerbaram a condição subordinada dos trabalhadores no interior do processo de produção. Essa dinâmica colocou problemas para os movimentos operários e o pensamento marxista, tanto no que se refere às estratégias e possibilidades de resistência ao incremento da subordinação e da exploração sobre a força de trabalho, quanto em relação aos desafios teóricos e práticos contidos na tarefa de distinção entre os elementos potencialmente positivos desse processo de produção e os traços degradantes de sua exploração capitalista. As dificuldades se revelaram de forma mais dramática no caso da experiência revolucionária russa, na qual o horizonte aberto para a emancipação dos trabalhadores se chocava com a necessidade imediata de organizar e desenvolver o aparato produtivo frágil e deficiente. Por isso, esta pesquisa se concentra sobre o conjunto de problemas e experiências verificado na sociedade soviética, desde as formulações de Lenin a respeito do taylorismo, passando pelas tentativas de concretização de um "taylorismo soviético" na década de 1920, até o surgimento do stakhanovismo durante o período stalinista, em 1935, formando um movimento de operários que obtinham recordes de produção e reivindicavam, como princípio, uma racionalização do trabalho fundada em propostas e iniciativas dos próprios trabalhadores. A hipótese principal defendida em relação a essas experiências é que a estratégia de incorporação do taylorismo carregava limites incontornáveis do ponto de vista da emancipação dos trabalhadores, mas, por outro lado, o seu abandono no momento da ascensão stalinista representou um retrocesso e não um avanço, já que engendrou uma dinâmica em que a exaltação dos stakhanovistas, como "heróis do trabalho", obscurecia a formação de uma organização despótica e ineficiente da produção, cujos traços essenciais permaneceram até a dissolução do regime / Abstract: This thesis analyses Marxism¿s dilemmas around the question of the labor rationalization in the 20th century, specifically on the interwar period, when was diffused on the capitalist world the Taylor's principles of scientific organization of work. These dilemmas were associated with the modern industry development and the diffusion of the Taylor¿s principle. These facts allowed a huge increase of the work productivity causing at the same time an exacerbation of the worker¿s subordination condition inside the productive process. This dynamic put some problems for the workers movement and for the Marxist thought. Whether to the resistance strategies and possibilities against subordination increase and against work force exploitation, whether to the theoretical and practical challenges linked with the task of making a distinction between the potentially positive factors of this productive process and the degraded traits of the capitalist exploitation of this. The dilemmas were shown in a more dramatic way in the Russian¿s revolutionary experience, in which the possibility for worker¿s emancipation collided with the immediate necessity of organize and develop the productive resource, which was fragile and low. Considering all these facts, this research focused on all problems and experiences verified in the soviet society since Lenin¿s formulations about taylorism, going through concretion efforts to stablish a "soviet taylorism" in 1920, until the raising of Stakhanovism during the Stalinist period in 1935. In that year was formed a worker¿s movement that broken productive records and claimed, as a principle, a labor rationalization rooted on proposals and initiatives of the workers by themselves. The main hypothesis defended about these experiences was that the attempt of taylorism incorporation brought unsolvable limits to the worker's emancipation matters, but on the other hand, the renunciation of this attempt during Stalinist rising, meant a regression instead an improvement. It happened because was engendered a dynamic in which the Stakhanovist¿s exaltation as "heroes of the work" obscured the formation of a despotic and inefficient productive organization, which essential traits remained until the end of the regime / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

This dissertation examines the formation and ramifications of the Russian Civil War cult, a system of signs, codes, and meanings that instructed Soviet citizens how properly to be socialist and how to thrive under the regime. By analyzing public rituals of the 1920s and 1930s designed to commemorate the Civil War and its heroes, this project demonstrates the numerous ways in which the state attempted to inculcate Soviet values and a willingness to sacrifice one's life for the state. However, Soviet citizens often responded to war imagery in ways that the regime did not expect, co-opting cult values to suit their own everyday circumstances or to lobby the state for changes in their local regions. Examining the story of the cult of the Civil War through the traumatic years of industrialization, collectivization, and terror recasts how the Soviet state and society came to terms with these dramatic transformations. A central focus of the dissertation concerns the construction of Civil War heroes in literature and film, the most prominent of them being the famed commander Chapaev. The 1934 film Chapaev represented a critical mode of contact between the state and everyday citizens, in which people acted not only as spectators, but as active participants, allowing them to "play out" the Civil War in their own lives through celebratory fanfare, artistic expression like theater and poetry, and a shared cinematic experience. In this way, the state successfully transmitted images of unity and heroism to the population. The film became a cultural phenomenon, providing people with an outlet for feelings of powerlessness. Watching Chapaev was a method of coping with the dilemmas of everyday life. Built on a varied source base, using published literature and archival documents, including letters from citizens, official memoranda, stenograms, newspapers, and journals, this dissertation explores various public forms of Civil War pageantry, such as monument building, exhibitions in Moscow's Red Army Museum, Maxim Gorky's collected war history, and the twentieth anniversary celebrations of the Red Army in 1938. Finally, the dissertation addresses the cult's disintegration in the late 1930s during the chaos and uncertainty of the Great Terror.

This dissertation analyses the system of internal passports as a central administrative instrument of controlling migration processes in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia. Specifically, the study focuses on the topic of using the passport system, and the restrictions incorporated in this system, on the territory of Moscow. The aim of the study is two-fold. Firstly, it strives to identify, from a position of historical institutionalism, the factors which allowed Moscow, many years after the dissolution of the USSR, to control migration processes within its borders using distinctively "Soviet" methods, in clear violation of federal laws. On a different level of analysis, the dissertation focusses on the regulatory methods themselves: it examines the genesis and early evolution of the internal passport system and the mechanism of so-called propiska (registration), in the era of Stalinist industrialization, before turning to the process of the system's erosion and partial dismantling during the late Soviet and early post-Soviet years. Finally, the study aims to analyse the methods chosen for controlling migration in Moscow during the rule of mayor Yuri Luzhkov (1992-2010), and the way his policies affected the migration situation in Russia's capital.

Diploma thesis "Paasikivi and Kekkonen - a strong position of Finnish presidents under the influence of the USSR" examines the assumptions of the prestigious position of these presidents in Finnish politics. The underlying issue is the influence of the Soviet Union on the Paasikivi's and Kekkonen's policies. The theoretical premise of the thesis is the inclusion of Finnish among so-called semi-presidential systems. The Finnish Constitution of 1919 provided the President with considerable powers, for example making him a major figure for the foreign policy of the state. However, the arrival of Paasikivi and after him Kekkonen to the presidential office led to the strengthening of the presidential office. The personality of these politicians and their political vision, experience and practices had also a significant impact on this fact. Paasikivi and Kekkonen's policies were, however, very much connected with the friendship with the Soviets, so it is possible to monitor the Soviet influence on the position of Finnish presidents within the Finnish political system.

The aim of this thesis is to characterize the way George Orwell viewed the totalitarianism and how he portrayed this phenomenon in his works. The fundamental part is an analysis of the characteristics of totalitarian regimes in Orwell's most important works 1984 and Animal Farm. For a deeper understanding of Orwell's view of totalitarian regimes, his life and the events that shaped his political thinking were also discussed in more detail. In addition to the aforementioned, the work also includes a general characteristic of the typical features of totalitarianism and general principles of totalitarian regimes, referring to the historical and political context of the twentieth century of selected states, such as the USSR, Germany or Czechoslovakia. This section is followed by an analysis of selected works by authors who dealt with totalitarianism from the view of political theory, such as Hannah Arendt, F.A. Hayek, Zbigniew Brzezinski and Ernst Jünger. Though George Orwell described himself as a leftist and a socialist, he strictly rejected any form of totalitarian rule, and, as he wrote in one of his essays, much of his work was anti- totalitarian. His attitude towards totalitarianism began to emerge during the Spanish Civil War, in which he actively participated. There he also met for the first...

This diploma thesis deals with Czechoslovak-Soviet realtions and influence of czechoslovak ambassador in USSR Zdeněk Fierlinger had on their formation. Its aim is to properly describe the course of events between 1939 and 1945, which most affected the specific nature of diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and Soviet Union during the World War II and to evaulate how much Zdeněk Fierlinger intervened in these events. The secondary aim of the thesis is to characterize the diplomatic activity of Zdeněk Fierlinger, to verify or refute the common idea that he was a traitor of the state and finally to find out whether his political and diplomatic steps were motivated by the vision of personal gain or ideological causes.

Depuis son origine, l'Union soviétique n'a cessé d'être en France l'objet d'un vif débat politique et intellectuel, un lieu de transposition des affrontements idéologiques hexagonaux. Alors que deux images contradictoires de l'URSS se sont formées au XXe siècle – celle de l'incarnation du socialisme et celle d'une dictature repoussante – la décennie qui débute en 1975 voit le triomphe en France de l'image noire du régime soviétique, dont le bilan est jugé complètement négatif, malgré une courte période d'interrogations suscitée par les réformes gorbatchéviennes. Cette évolution est le résultat d'un intense affrontement politique et idéologique hexagonal autour de la « réalité » du socialisme soviétique au moment où l'Union de la gauche propose un projet socialiste pour la France : l'Union soviétique se retrouve alors étroitement imbriquée dans les débats politiques, syndicaux, intellectuels français, constituant alors la ligne de démarcation principale entre communistes et non-communistes. La réintroduction du concept de totalitarisme, l'identification à la lutte de la dissidence est-européenne et la dénonciation de l'impérialisme soviétique pendant la période de « guerre fraîche » constituent les différentes facettes de cette lutte dont le résultat est le développement d'un fort antisoviétisme en France, allant jusqu'à une certaine remise en cause des relations bilatérales. L'amalgame entretenu entre les deux socialismes – de l'Est et de l'Ouest – contribue à la fois à la marginalisation du Parti communiste français qui peine à redéfinir ses relations avec les partis frères, de l'affirmation du « socialisme aux couleurs de la France » au bilan « globalement positif » des pays de l'Est, mais affecte aussi de manière plus générale l'idée de socialisme en France. Après des années de sympathie pour le communisme, les intellectuels français basculent massivement dans un anticommunisme virulent: la substitution du binôme capitalisme/socialisme au profit du couple démocratie/totalitarisme se traduit par l'abandon des traditions révolutionnaires de la gauche française. La vision libérale de l'histoire triomphe alors, entraînant une condamnation totale et définitive du régime soviétique qui précède, de loin, sa fin en 1991. / From its beginning, the Soviet Union has always been the subject of a fierce political and intellectual debate in France, a place on which ideological French confrontations were transfered. During the 20th century, two conflicting images of USSR were created – the embodiment of socialism and of a repulsive dictature – but after 1975 the dark image of the soviet system prevails. Its assessment is judged as completely negative, despite Gorbachev's era of reforms. This change is the result of an intense political and ideological French confrontation about what soviet socialism really is at the time when the Union of the Left is putting forward a socialist project for France : thus, the Soviet Union becomes closely interlocked in any debate in French political parties, unions and intellectual circles, acting as a dividing line between communists and others. The reintroduction of the concept of totalitarianism, the identification to the fight of Eastern Europe dissidents and the highlighting of soviet military imperialism during the second cold war are the different parts of this fight which results in the growth of a strong anti-sovietism in France and in a kind of adjournment of bilateral relations with the USSR. The amalgam between western and eastern socialism leads to the marginalization of the French Communist Party, which is not able to redefine its relations with the eastern sister parties, from the French way to socialism (“socialisme aux couleurs de la France”) to the globally positive assessment of Eastern socialist countries. It also affects the general idea and contents of socialism in France. After years of sympathy for communism, French intellectuals massively swing to an acerbic anticommunism: the opposition between capitalism and socialism is replaced by the one between democracy and totalitarianism, and, because of that, French Left revolutionary traditions are abandoned. At that point, the liberal vision of history prevails, and leads to the total and definitive condemnation of the soviet regime, preceding by far its end in 1991.

This dissertation explores the ethical and aesthetic stakes of readers’ judgments by analyzing mock trials of literary characters that were performed in Soviet Russia and abroad in the 1920s and 1930s. Literary trials were part of a larger craze for public mock trials in the decades after the Russian Revolution. Mock trials functioned as a participatory and educational form of entertainment. Fictional defendants included Lenin, invented characters accused of drunkenness and hooliganism, and the Bible. At the same time as increasingly propagandistic mock trials were being performed, intellectuals staged trials of characters from nineteenth-century and contemporary Russian literature. In émigré communities such as Berlin, Paris, and Prague, literary trials were popular as entertainment and fundraisers through the 1920s and 1930s. My analysis focuses on mock trials of characters from works by Dostoevsky and Tolstoy, whose novels proved especially popular for mock trial adaptations in the 1920 and 1930s. I also consider Nabokov’s participation in a mock trial based on The Kreutzer Sonata as a bridge between Tolstoy’s novella and Nabokov’s later novel Lolita. I read back and forth between the literary works and their mock trial adaptations in order to explore both how trial participants interpreted the texts and how the texts respond to the kinds of judgment at work in the trials. The challenges that Dostoevsky and Tolstoy’s fiction pose to readers became the central questions of mock trial adaptations: What is the relationship between interpretation and truth? Do we have the right to judge others? Does narrative have the power to redeem? I argue that while Soviet and émigré literary trials offer selective, politically motivated readings of the original works, they also enter into dialogue with the works’ major ethical questions and offer new ways of thinking about how truth, judgment, and redemption operate in them. As a result, the mock trials bring together two approaches to literature: a reader-centric approach that interprets the text in order to reveal something about the reader’s current reality, and a text-centric approach that aims to uncover the original meaning. While some of the literary trial interpretations and judgments appear to be misreadings, or bad readings, of the original works, I argue that this kind of reading, which closely attends to textual details while asking the text to speak to the readers’ present, offers a model for an ethically engaged approach to literature.

Diploma thesis Interests of parties to the Sino-Vietnamese War 1979 deals with the lesser know topic of the semi-forgotten war which had been fought during the Cold War era. The most interesting in this conflict is, that it had been fought by former mutual allies. The thesis isn't focused on the course of war, with the beginning on the 17th of February 1979. The form of war so called "limited". It means, that the Chinese Peoples Liberation Army, had its objectives, when they had been reached, the Chinese military units turned back to China. The last Chinese soldier crossed the border on the 16th of March 1979, after four week of harsh fighting's. But the aim of this work is to analyze the interests of the parties involved in the conflict and to prove the hypothesis, that the war was actually proxy war between PRC and USSR.

Bc. Daniel Samek Abstrakt The diploma thesis "The august invasion of Soviet troops in 1968 in Brno and the reaction of local law enforcement agency, government, media and general public" aims for more complex and multiple perspectives approach the invasion and the subsequent occupation of Brno with the units of Sowiet Union. Klíčová slova : Brno, 1968, Pražské jaro, Sovětský svaz, invaze, okupace