This thesis examines the enduring nature of child labour on Ivory Coast’s cocoa farms. The thesis shows that the role of the state in promoting instead of inhibiting child labour practices in the Ivory Coast favours the thriving of challenging factors to any prospect of a total abolition. This thesis focuses on the influences of traditions customary practices underpinning the child labour practice. The thesis shows the adverse role of Multinational Corporations operating in Ivory Coast’s cocoa industry. This thesis shows that despite Ivory Coast being a signatory to the ILO Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour 1999 (No. 182), the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1999) as well as other regional and sub-regional legal instruments, the appropriate legal and policy response to child labour has yet to be provided. The thesis, therefore, offers the pedagogic approach as the shifting factor.

This research is concerned with Pakistan's participation in the US-led 'war on terror' in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001. The study seeks to explain how Pakistan's state practice in the aftermath of 9/11 was normalised and made possible. In explaining the state practice, the study draws on a constructivist conceptual framework; which is further enhanced by incorporating key theoretical insights from critical realism. In the first instance, the study proposes that Pakistan's participation in the 'war on terror', seen as a set of actions and practices, was an outcome of a specific domestic political discourse. This discourse enabled and legitimised the state's alliance with the US and its abandonment of the Taliban regime. Secondly, the study is concerned with explaining why the particular discourse emerged in the shape and form that it did. In this context, the argument is that a depth 'critical realist' ontological inquiry can reveal underlying and enduring global and domestic social structural contexts, and traces of agential influence as connected to the discourse. Consequently, this study conceptualises Pakistan's actions in the context of the 'war on terror' as emerging from a multi-causal complex in which discourse, structure and agency are complicit. The study represents a departure from realist readings that emphasise a mono-causal relationship between the US and Pakistan. Instead, this research uses a synthesis of critical realism and constructivism to add a fresh perspective in terms of how we may conceptualise Pakistan's political practice in this instance.

This research is concerned with Pakistan¿s participation in the US-led `war on terror¿ in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001. The study seeks to explain how Pakistan¿s state practice in the aftermath of 9/11 was normalised and made possible. In explaining the state practice, the study draws on a constructivist conceptual framework; which is further enhanced by incorporating key theoretical insights from critical realism. In the first instance, the study proposes that Pakistan¿s participation in the `war on terror¿, seen as a set of actions and practices, was an outcome of a specific domestic political discourse. This discourse enabled and legitimised the state¿s alliance with the US and its abandonment of the Taliban regime. Secondly, the study is concerned with explaining why the particular discourse emerged in the shape and form that it did. In this context, the argument is that a depth `critical realist¿ ontological inquiry can reveal underlying and enduring global and domestic social structural contexts, and traces of agential influence as connected to the discourse. Consequently, this study conceptualises Pakistan¿s actions in the context of the `war on terror¿ as emerging from a multi-causal complex in which discourse, structure and agency are complicit. The study represents a departure from realist readings that emphasise a mono-causal relationship between the US and Pakistan. Instead, this research uses a synthesis of critical realism and constructivism to add a fresh perspective in terms of how we may conceptualise Pakistan¿s political practice in this instance.

Der vorliegende Aufsatz bewertet die Auswirkungen, die das Koordinationsstaatssystem auf die Behandlung des unterseeischen Kulturerbes fast zehn Jahre nach seinem Inkrafttreten hat. Der Artikel bietet in diesem Zusammenhang eine erste Analyse der relevanten staatlichen Praxis zum Koordinationsstaatsprinzip. Insgesamt sechs untersuchte Fälle, darunter die berühmte Titanic und die derzeit umstrittene San José, belegen, dass das Regime des Koordinationstaates noch keinen höheren Schutzstandard für das Kulturerbe unter Wasser etablieren konnte. Einerseits werden so in der Arbeit allgemeine Auswirkungen der Vertragsgestaltung, wie z.B. die Miss-achtung privater Interessengruppen und Elemente der Bürokratie, identifiziert. Andererseits wird die Unzufriedenheit einiger Vertragsstaaten mit den relevanten kooperativen Zuständigkeitsvor-schriften aufgezeigt und bewertet. All dies unterstreicht die Notwendigkeit einer Reform des Übereinkommens, insb. unter Beachtung des Entwurfs der 'Ratification and Implementation Strategy' des sechsten Treffens der Vertragsstaaten (Paris 2017). Um einen praktikablen Re-formvorschlag zu unterbreiten, evaluieren die Autoren die potenzielle Vorbildwirkung bereits bestehender Systeme geteilter Jurisdiktion. Abschließend wird vorgeschlagen, den Wissen-schaftlich-Technischen Beirat (STAB) des Übereinkommens zu stärken, d.h. ihm die Kompe-tenz zur Identifizierung des Unterwasserkulturerbes, der Notifizierung von Vertragsstaaten mit nachweisbarer Verbindung zum Kulturerbe sowie der Ergreifung von Notfallmaßnahmen zu übertragen. Die unterbreiteten Vorschläge stehen nicht nur im Einklang mit den Missionen, die der STAB bereits zur Unterstützung von Staatsparteien entsandt hat, sondern auch mit Vorüber-legungen zur Stärkung der Unterstützung und Finanzierung des STAB im Rahmen des oben genannten Entwurfs einer Ratifikations- und Implementierungsstrategie. Bei erfolgreicher An-wendung könnte dies die Popularität des Koordinationstaates über das internationale Seerecht hinaus potenziell erhöhen. / The article at hand concerns itself with evaluating the impact the State Cooperation System has had on how underwater cultural heritage is dealt with in international waters. A total of six researched cases, including the infamous Titanic and the currently controversial San José, attest that the notion of the Coordinating State has yet to deliver a higher standard of protection for cultural assets underwater. On the one hand, generic ramifications caused by the superficial configuration of the treaty, such as disregarding private stakeholders and elements of bureaucracy, are identified. On the other hand, the discontent with cooperative jurisdictional provisions seems to be omnipresent. This affirms the need for reforming the convention itself, even in consideration of the sixth Meeting of State Parties’ Draft Ratification and Implementation Strategy. In order to provide a workable proposal for reform, the authors acknowledge the potential role model effect of existing systems of shared jurisdiction. In conclusion, it is suggested to upgrade the convention’s Scientific and Technical Advisory Body (STAB) and assign it the identification of underwater cultural heritage, notifying state parties with a verifiable link to the heritage site as well as taking emergency measures. This is consistent with missions the STAB has already deployed to assist state parties on-site and preliminary deliberations to strengthen the support and funding of the STAB in the aforementioned Draft Ratification and Implementation Strategy.

Die globale (Trink-)Wasserkrise, welche insbesondere für vulnerable Bevölkerungsgruppen eine existenzielle Bedrohung darstellt, hat die Frage nach einem verbindlichen Menschenrecht auf Zugang zu sauberem Trinkwasser (HRW) ins Zentrum internationaler Aufmerksamkeit gerückt. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird die Bedeutung der Allgemeinen Bemerkung Nr. 15 des Ausschusses für wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Rechte (CESCR) für die Festlegung normativer Standards und die völkerrechtliche Verankerung des HRW untersucht. Eine Analyse von Staatenberichten und nationaler Spruchpraxis soll Aufschluss über die Wirkungskraft der Allgemeinen Bemerkung Nr. 15 geben. Mit Blick auf Diskurse in relevanten UN-Gremien wie der Generalversammlung und dem Menschenrechtsrat soll weiterhin die mögliche völkergewohnheitsrechtliche Relevanz des Rechts beleuchtet und die Rolle entwicklungspolitischer Initiativen für die Harmonisierung der Staatenpraxis analysiert werden.

The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the Security Council has opened a new avenue for law-making at the international level by adopting resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter which create new norms of international law or modify international norms already in force (the normative resolutions). The normative resolutions analyzed in this study pertain to the areas of counterterrorism and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass-destruction. The new approach of the Security Council has been examined in light of the Third World Approaches in International law (TWAIL), as well as from the viewpoint of mainstream lawyers. Furthermore, 15 years of State practice relating to the implementation of these normative resolutions has been studied with a view to determining whether subsequent State practice confirms the exercise of a law-making function by the Security Council. Despite some incremental success in promoting international standards in the fight against terrorism, this thesis illustrates that the Security Council has not succeeded in introducing a new viable form of law-making. The Security Council’s authority to exercise such a function is now under serious doubt and its legitimacy questioned, as its normative resolutions were improperly initiated and adopted under the influence of a Permanent Member of the Security Council. Furthermore, the Security Council’s intervention in areas that are already highly regulated runs the risk of contributing to the fragmentation of international law—a phenomenon that undermines the coherence of international law. Currently, the Council’s normative resolutions are facing serious challenges at the implementation stage and several proceedings before national and regional courts have either directly challenged the normative resolutions, or questioned their enforceability. The Security Council is under continued pressure to further revise its practice or potentially face additional challenges before national, regional, and even international courts which may annul or quash relevant implementing measures. Thus, in light of relevant State practice, it is almost inconceivable that the Security Council would repeat its use of normative resolutions as a means of law-making in the future. Nevertheless, the increasing powers of the United Nations Security Council also stimulates an increasing demand to hold the United Nations accountable for the possible wrongful acts of its principal organ, particularly when its decisions harm individuals. It is argued that in the absence of a compulsory judicial mechanism at the international level, non-compliance with the Council’s decisions is the only viable way to challenge the Security Council wrongful acts. Yet, non-complying State or group of States should clearly identify their actions as countermeasures vis-a-vis ultra vires acts of Security Council and seek support from other like-minded States to avoid being declared recalcitrant, which may be followed by Security Council sanctions.