O objetivo dessa pesquisa foi conhecer e analisar o papel que os Fóruns de educação infantil têm desempenhado na defesa dos direitos das crianças e na proposição de políticas públicas para a área. Para tanto, buscou-se compreender quem são os sujeitos que compõem os Fóruns, como se organizam, como atuam e estabelecem relação com o Estado e com outros movimentos sociais. Dentre os referenciais teóricos deste trabalho destacam-se as teorias que discorrem sobre as consequências dos movimentos sociais nas políticas públicas (AMENTA, MEYER, SNOW, GIUNI, MELUCCI, SKOCPOL). Nesse estudo, enfoca-se a rede do Movimento Interfóruns de Educação Infantil do Brasil - MIEIB, no âmbito de seus Fóruns estaduais e do movimento nacional. O desenho de pesquisa combinou pesquisa documental, entrevista em profundidade e survey de questionário semiestruturado. Os Fóruns de educação infantil são movimentos sociais híbridos que emergiram após o período de transição do regime autoritário para o democrático. São movimentos autônomos, com diferentes formas organizacionais e interações com o Estado a depender do contexto em que estão inseridos, mas que tem priorizado a inserção em instituições participativas como uma aposta na incidência nas políticas públicas. Sua atuação tem se dado a partir de três frentes: 1. Propositiva: proposição e acompanhamento das políticas públicas; 2. Mobilizadora: articulação de parcerias, criação e fortalecimento de Fóruns; 3. Informativa: divulgação de pesquisas e formação de público. Em âmbito nacional, o MIEIB teve um importante papel no avanço das políticas públicas de educação infantil. O movimento com 19 anos de duração, teve a maior parte de sua trajetória de atuação durante os governos do Presidente Lula da Silva (2003-2011) e da Presidenta Dilma Rousseff (2012 2016), com os quais estabeleceu interações cooperativas, ainda que houvessem momentos pontuais de conflito. O MIEIB obteve um conjunto de pontos de acesso em tais governos e foi por eles legitimado como importante ator social na proposição de políticas da área. Após o impeachment da Presidenta Dilma Rousseff, constatou-se um desencaixe (nos termos de Skocpol) na relação com o Estado e o fortalecimento de alianças do MIEIB com outras entidades e movimentos sociais. Concluiu-se que as possibilidades de incidência dos movimentos sociais nas políticas são marcadas pelas relações socioestatais estabelecidas, que são variáveis a depender da conjunção de combinações entre os objetivos e capacidades de ação tanto do Estado quanto do movimento social. No caso do fechamento ou limitação dos pontos de acesso à participação, os movimentos sociais precisam buscar outras alternativas para amplificar sua incidência. / The purpose of this research was to know and to analyze the role that the Early Childhood Education Forums have played in the defense of children\'s rights and in the proposal of public policies for the area. Therefore, it was sought to understand who the subjects that compose the forums are, how they organize themselves, how they act and establish relationships with the State and with other social movements. Among the theoretical references of this work are the social movement theories that discuss the consequences of these movements in public politics (AMENTA, MEYER, SNOW, GIUNI, MELUCCI, SKOCPOL). This research focus on the Movimento Interfóruns de Educação Infantil do Brasil MIEIB, within the scope of its state forums and the national movement. The research design combined documentary research, indepth interview and semi-structured questionnaire survey. The Early Childhood Education Forums are hybrid social movements that emerged after the period of transition from authoritarian to democratic in Brazil. They are autonomous movements, with different organizational forms and interactions with the State depending on the context in which they are inserted, but which has prioritized the insertion in participatory institutions as a way to the incidence in public policies. Its strategies have taken place on three fronts: 1. Propositional: proposition and monitoring of public policies; 2. Mobilizer: Articulation of partnerships, creation, and strengthening of forums; 3. Informative: Publicizing research and training of the public. At the national level, MIEIB played an important role in the advancement of public policies for early childhood education. The 19-year-old movement played a major role in the Lula da Silva\'s (2003-2011) and Dilma Rousseff\'s (2012-2016) federal government administrations, with which it established cooperative interactions, even though there were occasional moments of conflict. The MIEIB obtained a set of access points in such governments and it was legitimated by them as a important social actor in proposing the area\'s policies. After the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, there was a breakdown in the relationship with the State and the strengthening of alliances of MIEIB with other entities and social movements. It was concluded that the incidence of social movements in politics are marked by established socio-state relations, which are variable depending on the combination of the objectives and capacities of action of both the state and the social movement. In the case of closing or limiting the access points to participation, social movements need to seek other alternatives to amplify their incidence.

This study examined the process of gender policy reform. It sought to explain how and when gender policy reform has taken place in Venezuela across time. The study entailed observations of gender policy reform during specific periods of Punto Fijo democracy (1958-1998) characterized by democratic consolidation and deconsolidation, and during the transition towards a new type of hybrid democracy, the Chávez era (1999-2007). The policies considered were the ones addressing women’s equality at home and at work, reproductive rights, women’s economic rights, and political participation. The analysis showed that the likelihood of gender policy reform depends on the combination of certain institutional configurations that provide women access to the decision-making process of the state, but most importantly to women’s groups’ capacity to organize a broad coalition of women from civil society and from within the state apparatus behind to push for a reform by using frames based on international agreed norms that legitimized their struggle. In addition, the analysis reveals the negative influence of religious groups with decision-making power on the process of gender policy reform.

This thesis is a theoretical and empirical inquiry into ‘deliberative peacebuilding’, seeking to explain the ‘failures’ and ‘successes’ of peacebuilding in East Timor and Somaliland. While warfare has increased globally since the end of the Cold War, the UN has made efforts to build peace (e.g. Boutros-Ghali 1992). While peacebuilding has become an internationally applied set of ideas and practices, one of the theoretical gaps is deliberation. This research thus conceptualises ‘deliberative peacebuilding’, and associates this with peacebuilding in the non-Western, post-colonial, and (post-)conflict context. This research identified East Timor and Somaliland as its case studies. Despite similarity in the ‘legitimation problem’ with vertical (state-society) and horizontal (‘modernity’-‘tradition’) inequalities/differences based upon cultural and historical backgrounds, East Timor and Somaliland undertook different approaches in a decade after the end of their civil wars. While East Timor accepted UN peace operations, Somaliland rejected them. Yet both experienced similar transitions to make political order between ‘failure’ (political de-legitimation/societal dissent) and ‘success’ (political legitimation/societal consent).Accordingly, this thesis poses two questions: 1) what caused the UN to have ‘failed’ (to prevent the ‘crisis’ from recurring in 2006) in East Timor, and 2) what caused East Timor and Somaliland to have experienced ‘equifinality’ (making similar progress along different paths) in building peace (in East Timor from 1999 to 2012 and in Somaliland from 1991 to 2005). Findings, among others, include different paths in transition: a ‘hybrid’ path with external intervention in East Timor and an ‘agonistic’ path without it in Somaliland. Asymmetry in power relations urged deliberative agencies to address the ‘legitimation problem’ differently.

This research constructs the theoretical framework through documentary analysis; it utilizes the approach of ¡§state and society relations¡¨ on the micro-level of the comparative politics, supplemented with the concept of ¡§corporatism¡¨. This research includes ¡§in-depth interview¡¨ and ¡§case study¡¨ to aim at examining two issues. While the Chinese government has been the central power, the enterprises are the key players in the businesses of modern China. When the private sector has prospered vigorously, the government faced increasing pressure from economic system reform. This indicates that the power of government will shift to the industry and trade association. This research finds that the trade association, deriving from ¡§top down¡¨ model, which can gain more self-Governance, is the successful case of transformation. Its character is that it neither seeks for power from the government during the transformation nor interest from the private sector, but, instead, serves for social welfare and receives more credibility from the public and better organizing autonomy. Since the south patrolling of Deng Xiaoping in 1992, the socialist market economy has been the goal China pursues. In 1998, the ninth session national representatives passed Decision of the structural reform of the State Council plan, and it pointed out ¡§establish a government administrative system with the Chinese characteristics and suitable to the socialist market economic system¡¨. In October 2003, the Third Plenary Session of the 16th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China passed Decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Some Issues concerning the Improvement of the Socialist Market Economy . Obviously, in addition to the concept of open policy of the trade market, the policy on decentralization of governmental structural reform is in place. Those changes push the market mechanism to expand gradually, and accelerate the transformation of trade association. It makes the influence of trade association on industrial policy making grow. Particularly, Guangdong Province's economy opened early and also led the development of trade association. This research found that the system and development of trade association in Guangdong Province has exceeded that of the central government. ¡§Guangdong Food Profession Union¡¨ is one of the best examples. This research analyzes the development of food industry of both China and the Guangdong Province, in order to explain the relations among government, the business (market) and the society. Second, to analyze the development of trade association's of China and Guangdong Province to explain the formation of civil society. Third, using the case of ¡§Guangdong Food Profession Union¡¨ to study on its philosophy, institution and interest setting in order to map out the interaction among ¡§Guangdong Food Profession Union (GFPU)¡¨, government and business. Finally, it induces the relations among state, the market, the civil society. This research not only points out the similarities and differences between the study case and the general situation in China, but also classifies three kinds of trade association and within which the trade association of successful transformation might be called ¡§NGO with the Chinese characteristic¡¨. In brief, the social scope of trade association derived from ¡§top down¡¨ model, will de unavoidably deprived by the government. In the social scope formed by the trade association of successful transformation, the administrative authority is (Economic and Trade Commission) no longer in charge of them, but the ideology of Chinese Communist Party still exists. It was the ¡§civil society with the Chinese characteristic.¡¨

Thèse réalisée dans le cadre d'une cotutelle entre l'Université de Montréal et l'Université de Lille / En Bolivie et au Pérou, les régions de production de coca, principales cibles des politiques de lutte contre les drogues depuis les années 1970, sont souvent considérées comme en proie à une certaine « faiblesse », « défaillance » ou « absence » de l’État, et « dominées » par le pouvoir de groupes s’adonnant à des activités criminelles. Menée à partir des cas du Tropique de Cochabamba (Bolivie) et de la Vallée des fleuves Apurímac, Ene et Mantaro (VRAEM, Pérou), premiers foyers de production nationaux d’une coca majoritairement destinée aux marchés illicites, cette recherche s’inscrit à rebours de ces analyses, en montrant que non seulement l’État est bien là, mais qu’il aussi est maintenu et saisi par les organisations rurales de défense de la coca. À partir d’une enquête ethnographique, cette thèse analyse par le bas et dans une perspective comparée les intrications entre économie illicite, mobilisations et États. Elle montre comment fédérations agricoles et syndicales s’appuient sur la coca pour construire des pratiques communales de gouvernement, des identités régionales et des cadrages suffisamment mobilisateurs pour obtenir des politiques de développement censées compenser le « narcotrafic » ou le « narcoterrorisme ». Les dirigeants des organisations sociales construisent leur leadership politique dans la lutte et se positionnent ensuite comme intermédiaires auprès de l’État. Occuper des fonctions administratives et électives leur permet alors de diriger davantage de ressources publiques vers leurs régions d’origine, de défendre la coca dans les institutions, voire de retracer les frontières entre activités légales et illégales. Culture de la coca et politiques de développement deviennent alors des ressources constitutives de l’économie morale des cultivateurs. Ces processus se donnent néanmoins à voir différemment. Au Tropique de Cochabamba, il s’agit d’une saisie corporatiste, propre aux liens forts qui unissent les syndicats de cultivateurs de coca, le MAS, parti au pouvoir jusqu’en 2019, et l’État bolivien. Cette modalité a permis aux syndicats d’obtenir des ressources publiques, des droits, de désigner ses intermédiaires en échange d’un soutien au parti et au gouvernement. Au VRAEM, le faible ancrage des partis politiques dans la société péruvienne laisse le champ libre aux dirigeants de la fédération agricole pour saisir l’État selon une logique entrepreneuriale, par laquelle ils font valoir des ressources propres et des relations pour la plupart extérieures à leur région d’origine. Le détour par ces régions éclaire les relations entre secteurs populaires et État et contribue à décloisonner l’étude des mouvements sociaux. La comparaison en miroir offre une palette d’outils pour appréhender « l’art de saisir l’État » à travers une sociologie des organisations, des syndicats et des partis politiques. / The coca growing regions of Bolivia and Peru have been a focal point of drug control policies in these two countries since the 1970s. These regions are often portrayed as being subject to a weak, failed or even absent state, and under the control of criminal groups. Focusing on the Tropic of Cochabamba (Bolivia) and VRAEM (Peru) regions, the main national hotbeds of coca mostly destined for illicit markets, this research challenges this idea by showing that not only is the State present, but that it is also maintained and seized by rural coca-producing organizations. Based on an ethnographic survey, I study from the ground and in a comparative perspective the interplay between the illicit economy, social movements and the State itself. I show how agricultural and trade union federations use coca to build communal government practices, regional identities and frameworks to mobilize and obtain development policies meant to compensate for "narcotrafficking" or "narcoterrorism". The leaders of social organizations build their political leadership from the struggle and then place themselves as intermediaries with the State. Occupying administrative and elective functions allows them to channel more public resources to their native regions, to defend coca in institutions, and even to redraw the boundaries between legal and illegal activities. As such, coca cultivation and development policies become resources that constitute the moral economy of the growers. However, the views behind these political processes differ from one region to the other. In the Tropic of Cochabamba, it is a corporatist seizing process, inherent to the strong ties between the coca growers' unions, the MAS party in power until 2019, and the Bolivian state. This has allowed the unions to obtain public resources, rights, and the appointment of its intermediaries in exchange for support to the party and the government. In the VRAEM, the weak anchoring of political parties in Peruvian society enables agricultural federation leaders to seize the state through an entrepreneurial logic. They assert their own resources and relations, mostly outside their home region. The detour through these regions sheds light on the relations between the informal popular sectors and the State and broadens the scope of the study of social movements. The comparison thus offers a range of tools to apprehend the "art of seizing the state" through a sociology of organizations, unions and political parties. / En Bolivia y en el Perú, las regiones productoras de coca, principales blancos de las políticas de lucha contra las drogas desde los años 70, suelen ser consideradas como zonas afectadas por la "debilidad", el "fracaso" o la "ausencia" del Estado y "dominadas" por el poder de los grupos criminales. Partiendo de los casos del Trópico de Cochabamba (Bolivia) y del VRAEM (Perú), principales focos nacionales de producción de una coca mayormente destinada a los mercados ilícitos, la presente investigación contrasta con esos análisis. Demuestro que no sólo está presente el Estado, sino que también está mantenido y tomado por las organizaciones rurales de defensa de la coca. Sobre la base de un estudio etnográfico, esta tesis analiza desde abajo y con una perspectiva comparativa las interrelaciones entre la economía ilícita, las movilizaciones y los Estados. Muestro como las federaciones agrícolas y sindicales usan la coca para construir prácticas comunales de gobierno, identidades regionales, marcos de acción colectiva para obtener políticas de desarrollo que supuestamente compensan al "narcotráfico" o al “narcoterrorismo". Los líderes de las organizaciones sociales construyen su liderazgo político en la lucha y se posicionan como intermediarios con el Estado. Al ocupar funciones administrativas y electivas, pueden dirigir más recursos públicos a sus regiones de origen, defender la coca en las instituciones e incluso trazar los límites entre las actividades legales e ilegales. De esta forma, el cultivo de la coca y las políticas de desarrollo se convierten en recursos que constituyen la economía moral de los agricultores. Sin embargo, estos procesos se ven de manera distinta. En el Trópico de Cochabamba, se trata de una apropiación del Estado corporativista, caracterizada por los fuertes lazos entre los sindicatos de cocaleros, el MAS, partido en el poder hasta 2019, y el Estado boliviano. Esta modalidad ha permitido a los sindicatos obtener recursos públicos, derechos y la designación de sus intermediarios a cambio de apoyo al partido y al gobierno. En el VRAEM, el escaso asentamiento de los partidos políticos en la sociedad peruana permite a los líderes de las federaciones agrícolas apropiarse del Estado a través de una lógica empresarial. Hacen valer sus propios recursos y relaciones, en su mayoría fuera de su región de origen. El camino por estas regiones aclara las relaciones entre los sectores populares y el Estado y contribuye a ampliar el estudio de los movimientos sociales. Así, la comparación ofrece una gama de herramientas para aprehender el "arte de apropiarse del Estado" a través de una sociología de organizaciones, sindicatos y partidos políticos.

There is an emergent consensus that the ‘poverty reduction through good governance’ agenda has failed to meet expectations. The capacity of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to cultivate the political economies and state-society synergies that might be supportive of more pro-poor development trajectories is contested. Advocates of inclusive liberalism identify increased political space for NGOs focused on popular empowerment and policy influence within the participatory spaces created by the good governance agenda. More radical critiques cast NGOs as apolitical brokers of neo-liberal development resources which distract from or are disinterested in more fundamental questions of redistribution. This thesis explores the potential for Ugandan NGOs to cultivate supportive conditions for a more redistributive development process amidst a semi-authoritarian, patronage-based, political regime and within a predominantly agrarian economy, using the lens of a single case study organisation situated in the Western region of the country. The findings suggest Ugandan NGOs should move beyond strategies associated with inclusive liberal governance towards a closer engagement with the politics and political economy of progressive change. Micro-enterprise and economic associational development emerge as more effective enhancers of political capabilities among the poor than strategies aimed solely at promoting inclusive liberal participation because they can tackle the socio-economic power relations that curb political agency in such contexts, and begin to undermine patronage-politics. In contrast, strategies for enhanced inclusive liberal participation engage with the formal de jure rules of the game in ways that either sidestep or re-enforce the de-facto patronage-based political system and fail to tackle the power relations that perpetuate ineffective forms of governance. Creating new cross-class deliberative spaces which engage with grass roots perspectives, can facilitate the emergence of new ways of thinking that promote a more pro-poor orientation among development stakeholders. Triangulation of qualitative primary data and relevant literature leads to the overarching conclusion that NGOs operating in such contexts are more likely to enhance the political capabilities of disadvantaged groups by adhering to a principle of self-determination. This focuses energy and resources on non-directive facilitative support to disadvantaged groups. This enables them to a) make socio-economic progress; b) become (better) organised; c) develop the necessary skills and knowledge to advance their interests; and d) cultivate opportunities for direct engagement with power holders and decision-makers. This approach requires a high level of what the thesis terms ‘NGO political capacity’ and a far more open-ended and programmatic approach to the provision of development aid than currently prevails.