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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Conceptualising European Strategic Autonomy : A Qualitative Content Analysis of ESA Understandings in Finland and SwedenNaylor, Carl January 2024 (has links)
European Strategic Autonomy (ESA) has become one of the key concepts in the European security debate. Its essential meaning is that European states need to collectively ensure their autonomy to act independently of external parties in the wake of unfolding geopolitical shifts, such as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. However, given the complex nature of cooperation in Europe, Member States (MS) of the European Union (EU) have different understandings of how ESA should be pursued. This divergence has led to an elusiveness of the concept, both in the World of policy and academia, which is problematic as it has hindered cooperative developments. This thesis systematically investigates how two Member States in the EU, Finland and Sweden, understand ESA. Given ESA’s lack of theorisation, an ‘ESA model’ has been developed that has helped measure the two cases’ respective understandings. ESA has traditionally been limited to the policy area of defence, however, in line with the current broader understanding of ESA, this thesis also considers energy and economy. In doing so, this thesis gives a more nuanced picture of the two countries respective ESA understandings. The findings show that both Finland and Sweden are strongly in favour of ESA measures for energy, Russia’s energy leverage over the EU being the main explanation. Both countries are also in favour of ESA measures for economy, to avoid being vulnerable to China’s growing assertiveness; however, unlike energy and Russia, both Finland and Sweden also emphasise the importance of maintaining trade with China that is beneficial for companies in the respective countries. Both countries are more circumspect towards ESA measures for defence. This is especially the case for Sweden which strongly emphasises the importance of a robust defence relationship with the United States.
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The Pursuit of European Strategic Autonomy : Balancing or Hedging Foreign Policy Behaviour in Relation to Russia?Ilievska, Bjanka, Zhao, Ruihong January 2023 (has links)
Following the publication of the European Union Global Strategy in 2016 where the EU officially announced its quest for European Strategic Autonomy (ESA), a policy initiative toenable EU’s capacity to act autonomously in the realm of security and defence, this study poses the following research question: What type of foreign policy behaviour does the EU exhibit in security and defence through its quest for strategic autonomy? Broadly based in realism, the study is designed as a single case-study of EU foreign policy behaviour in relation to Russia and analyses whether the pursuit of ESA entails a balancing or hedging EU foreign policy behaviour. By doing so, the study contributes theoretically, by disentangling and operationalising these two concepts analytically, and empirically, by applying them to an EU context and investigating their presence. The results show that the EU does not exhibit a hedging behaviour towards Russia, and whether the EU exhibits a balancing behaviour remains inconclusive as the empirical material provided insufficient evidence to conclude so.
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The EU as a Military Alliance? Explaining Sweden’s Stance on European Strategic AutonomyRoosberg, Aron January 2024 (has links)
While the discourse regarding European strategic autonomy has been ongoing for decades, progress in achieving it have been impeded by both opposition and an overhanging element of ambiguity from some participating countries. As transparency is vital in any international cooperation, this thesis will aim to provide this by analyzing the discourse of one ambiguous country, Sweden, and compare it to that of the concept’s main proponent, France. This with the purpose of allowing the discourse of a more militarized EU progress. The analysis indicates vast differences in domestic conditions, external relations and historical background which keeps Sweden from openly declaring its stance on strategic autonomy, as opposed to France. This study contributes with a framework adaptable to any country relevant within the discourse on European strategic autonomy, and thus allows for better mutual understanding between the opposing sides of opinion.
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Strategická autonomie EU - šnace a výzvy pro Evropu / European Strategic Autonomy - chances and challenges for EuropeCemus, Victor Peter Corrado January 2020 (has links)
The thesis explores the use of the term European Strategic Autonomy in the Common Security and Defence Policy (CFSP) of the European Union. The security environment around Europe has become increasingly unstable in the last 15 years. The EU Commission has tried to take account of the deteriorating geopolitical landscape by publishing an EU Global Strategy document in 2016 to share its vision for a stronger Europe. The document calls for strategic autonomy without properly defining it. Since then, many policy papers have captured the term and used it as a popular buzzword. Because it has not been properly defined on the political level, European Strategy Autonomy (ESA) was subject to speculations and national interpretations which did not help to advance the debate. Based on an extensive literature review the paper provides a comprehensive understanding by giving an historic overview and presenting different configurations of ESA in the contemporary context. A comparative case study, including France, Germany, and the Czech Republic has been conducted to assess their interpretation of the notion. The result of the case studies showed inherently different perceptions underlaid by different motivations and identifies the political layer to be the biggest challenge for moving forward with the topic....
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The European Strategic Autonomy Dilemma : French and German Interpretations by Means of Comparative Analysis and Realist TheoryVanhanen, Tuuli January 2021 (has links)
This research focuses on the concept of European strategic autonomy and what it really is. Through two different European Union Member States, France and Germany, the research will compare how European strategic autonomy is interpreted and why. The research will use different concepts from the theory of realism to focus on the conventional perspective of strategic autonomy in Europe. The research will show how France pushes for greater European strategic autonomy to secure the future of Europe through strategic hedging strategy when again Germany wants to strengthen European strategic autonomy to be taken more seriously by European external allies and by strengthening European bandwagoning strategy. Based on the previously mentioned, the research will analyze how France and Germany interpret the meaning of European strategic autonomy. The research suggests that France’s approach to European security is through Europeanism when Germany’s approach is through Atlanticism. The research will conclude with findings that the significance of European strategic autonomy is in its meaning of increasing Europe’s and European Union’s credibility, sovereignty, and European integration, to name a few.
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The Security Conditions of European Strategic Autonomy from a French Perspective.Tarras Ericsson, Jakob January 2023 (has links)
The debate regarding how Europe may assert its autonomy as a political actor is crucial. The Russian invasion of Ukraine is one of the most relevant topics for European Union politics. This thesis will focus on the strategic conditions within the security and defence sector needed to assert Strategic Autonomy from the perspective of Emmanuel Macron’s presidency and leadership. Over the years the EU has implemented new institutional structures, such as the European Defence Fund, the European Intervention Initiative, and the Strategic Compass, correlating with Macron’s goals of implementing a strategic culture doctrine within the EU. Despite the progress of the European Strategic Autonomy concept there still is a major disagreement amongst the EU member states. Some members prefer a transatlantic partnership, some focus on internal development within the European Union. Using the theories of Liberal institutionalism and the principle of coherence, the purpose of this thesis is to explore and understand more about the dynamics of the conditions that could hypothetically facilitate the strategic autonomy of the European Union’s defence capabilities. The study reveals that the conditions required is based of the French national strategy of strategic autonomy,which involves a shared political, operational and industrial goal. / <p>En välskriven och innehållsrik uppsats som använder både analytiska begrepp och teori på ett konsekvent sätt. Metodavsnittet saknar en beskrivning av datainsamlingsmetod och användning av material. Uppsatsen har en oklar disposition vilket gör den svårläst i vissa delar.</p><p></p><p>- Kommentar från examinator Örnerheim</p>
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Strategic Autonomy and India's Foreign Policy Towards the GCC, Israel and Iran: Exploring the Kautilyan Foreign Policy PrinciplesBhamidipati, Gopi Krishna 03 January 2025 (has links)
This dissertation argues that between 1992 and 2022, India's foreign policy towards the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, Israel, and Iran was guided by a continuous pursuit of strategic autonomy—a principle deeply rooted in Kautilyan foreign policy principles. Regional intra- and inter-rivalries between the GCC, Israel, and Iran, along with domestic concerns such as energy security, political pressures, business interests, and external geopolitical factors from the U.S., Pakistan, and China, certainly impacted decision-making. However, this study demonstrates that India's approach remained deliberate, proactive, and primarily driven by internal balancing efforts aimed at maximizing national power and preserving its strategic autonomy. Kautilya's foreign policy insights provide a fresh lens to understand India's pursuit of strategic autonomy and its simultaneous management of partnerships with the GCC, Israel, and Iran. Specifically, the principles of Saptanga (internal balancing over external balancing), Samavaya (pragmatic strategic partnerships), Asana (non-entanglement), and the balance between Artha (economic power) and Dharma (ethical governance) are integral to comprehending India's nuanced foreign policy approach. Samavaya explains India's fluid and purpose-driven alliances, while Asana illustrates how India navigated a complex web of relations with these key regional actors without entangling itself in broader regional conflicts. The research findings highlight the enduring relevance of Kautilyan principles in today's multipolar world, where, much like in Kautilya's era, West Asia is shaped by power rivalries and security concerns, making these strategies crucial for navigating its complexities. / Doctor of Philosophy / Between 1992 and 2022, India managed a complex and careful balancing act in its foreign policy toward the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, Israel, and Iran. Despite regional rivalries and various domestic, regional and international pressures, India aimed to maintain strategic autonomy, drawing on principles from the ancient Indian strategist Kautilya's foreign policy. This approach allowed India to navigate the intricate politics of West Asia while prioritizing its national interests, military modernization drive, energy security, and economic growth. By forming pragmatic strategic partnerships and avoiding entanglement in regional conflicts, India was able to sustain its relationships with these diverse and competing actors. This study explores how Kautilyan insights—such as emphasizing internal strength, strategic partnerships, and non-interference—continue to shape India's foreign policy, offering a fresh perspective on how a rising power can operate independently in a turbulent region such as West Asia.
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Politique industrielle et autonomie stratégique européennes : le cas des chaînes d’approvisionnement en matériaux critiquesFitzpatrick, Manon 07 1900 (has links)
À en croire la récente floraison de travaux et d’articles à ce sujet, la politique industrielle fait son grand retour dans les économies développées depuis une dizaine d’années. Mais cette fois-ci, contrairement à d’autres occurrences historiques de ce phénomène, les politiques industrielles mobilisées semblent sous-tendues par des considérations géopolitiques. Plus que la performance économique et la compétitivité, l’objectif de sécurité nationale apparaît de façon croissante comme motivation des mesures économiques. Dans le contexte européen, cette nouvelle approche s’incarne dans le concept d’autonomie stratégique ouverte, qui tente de réconcilier deux visions : d’une part, la reconnaissance d’un ordre mondial changeant et plus menaçant qu’avant ; d’autre part, un attachement historique de l’Europe à l’ouverture des marchés. Une des questions qui demeurent en suspens est celle de la concrétisation de ce concept dans des mesures politiques à l’échelle européenne. Le présent mémoire vise à contribuer à la réflexion sur ce point, en analysant le cas de la législation naissante sur les chaînes d’approvisionnement en matériaux critiques. Le cadre d’analyse de l’institutionnalisme discursif permet de comparer les discours sur l’autonomie stratégique et sur les matériaux critiques. Il met en lumière des complémentarités et résonances, mais également des incohérences : les cadrages, les récits et types d’arguments utilisés pour justifier les deux discours ne sont en effet pas les mêmes. / A recent spate of works and articles has identified a return of industrial policy in developed economies over the past decade. This evolution seems to be underpinned by geopolitical considerations, as national security is increasingly stated as a motivation for economic measures – more so than welfare and competitiveness. In a European context, this new approach is embodied by the concept of open strategic autonomy, which may be seen as an attempt to reconcile two visions: on the one hand, the recognition of a changing world order that is more threatening than before; on the other, Europe's historical attachment to open markets. One of the questions that remain unanswered is how this concept is translated into policy measures. This thesis aims to help answer this question by analyzing the case of emerging legislation on critical raw materials supply chains. By using the analytical framework of discursive institutionalism, this work compares discourses on strategic autonomy and critical materials. It highlights the similarities and echoes, but also inconsistencies of these two sets of ideas, as the framings, narratives and types of arguments used to justify the two discourses vary.
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A Europeanist or a Transatlantic EU Grand Strategy? : A comparative study of how Germany and France approach EU grand strategyEklind, Anton January 2022 (has links)
The aim of this research is to analyse the development of an EU grand strategy, using the two dominant EU powers Germany and France and their respective approach to an EU grand strategy. The importance of the EU grand strategy cannot be underestimated as it concerns the national security of all citizens in the EU. Research in this area which contributes with more findings addressing new information must be seen as urgent and relevant. While other studies have researched the development of the EU grand strategy, the recent international structural events in the form of the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War have not yet been studied. The concepts that will be used are strategic culture and strategic autonomy, with the purpose to provide insights on Germany’s and France’s approach to an EU grand strategy. Strategic culture and strategic autonomy will use theoretical assumptions based on constructivism and structural realism respectively. The findings are that Germany is still a major proponent of a transatlantic EU grand strategy, while France remains supportive of a Europeanist EU grand strategy. Recent events with the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War have led to that Germany have decided to abandon its energy dependency towards Russia and significantly increase its military spend to the by NATO stipulated two percent of GDP. These events will affect the development of the EU grand strategy, but the current signs are that Germany and France will not change their approach on the EU grand strategy because of this.
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La politique extérieure de l'Inde en Afrique / The Indian foreign policy in AfricaMonnet, Rodolphe 12 June 2018 (has links)
Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'Afrique. / Since 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa.
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