This thesis investigates the role of politically-motivated visual culture relative to the social and cultural transformations taking place at the University of Virginia between 1968-1974, culminating in the “May Days” student strike of 1970. This study seeks to recognize the ways through which these visual materials reflected, as well as influenced student response and identity relative to the contemporary social issues of the time, such as the advancement of Civil Rights, the de-acceleration of the Vietnam War and the military draft, and the arrival of co-education at the University of Virginia. This thesis seeks to expand traditional boundaries of the field of art education and its relevance both within, as well as outside of the educational classroom, and demonstrate the significance of visual culture in relation to social conditions and context. / text

In this study, I was investigating the role of student leadership played in institutional transformation at the University of Pretoria (UP). In order to contribute to understanding, student leadership role played in institutional transformation at UP and also student leaders understanding of transformation following the #FeesMustFall protests. Hence much research focused on conflict, disruption, violence and closure of universities related to the #FeesMustFall; there are comparatively fewer studies about the role played by the student leadership in institutional transformation at universities. The study researched how student leaders’ voices and agency have been represented in the institutional transformation initiatives. A qualitative case study method was used, based on content analysis of transformation documents from social media and transformation and policy documents available at the UP portal. The documents revealed that the student leaders played important roles and negotiated with the university management and the government about tuition fees and demands for free education, as well as about the change of the language policy; the renaming of the university buildings, and balancing quotas to reflect the SA demographic at the university. Also discussed were the transformation of the curriculum and the institutional and residence culture. Student leaders played a significant role in drafting a policy for the renaming of university buildings and in drafting the four drivers for the proposed curriculum changes at UP and the self-reflection questions for faculties to interrogate their curricula. The documents reveal that, in response to these demands, there was a 0% increase at South African universities in 2016 for all of the tuition fees and full funding of education for poor students for the following three years was announced. The management changed the language of instruction policy as demanded. The Client Services Centre (CSC) was renamed to the Student Services Centre (SSC) while new buildings are now named after South African heroes. Most significantly, of the more than fifty thousand students now accommodated at the University, the majority are female and black and many black students are now accommodated in residences. Management also decided to integrate both Indigenous and Eurocentric knowledge in the curricula and eliminate all legacy systems leading to racial segregation at UP. / Dissertation (MEd)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Education Management and Policy Studies / MEd / Unrestricted

No description available.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The thesis investigates the motivations behind, the methods used in, and the results of the overseas students’ collective action contesting the measures, which the Australian government introduced from 1983 to 1996. As a group of temporary residents located outside the boundaries of domestic political systems, yet within the core of Australia’s revenue earnings, overseas students independently mobilised in an attempt to influence the Australian Government policy on education from a position of limited political, social and legal rights. As temporary residents on short-term permits fully regulated under prescribed immigration rules, overseas students employed conventional repertoires of contention— they established formal structures, adopted action tools, framed their claims, internationalised their protest, formed alliances — in an attempt to mobilise resources and access existing avenues to influence government’s export of education services policy. Their mobilisation response and campaign strategy achieved modest success in securing some policy concessions, particularly during the early stages of education aid reform. Their strategy, however had to evolve as the fledgling export of education services expanded and eventually they shifted their position to fully embrace and reinterpret the government’s own ‘language of liberalisation’, which they used to greater effectiveness in making subsequent claims. Overseas students ability to procure concessions is derived not from their political or universal rights to education, but from their ability to influence policy changes based on their importance and strategic location in the Australian economy. In other words, government, universities and industry stakeholders have increasingly become dependent on substantial revenue earnings derived from overseas students and have become susceptible to potential chaos that may be precipitated if current students withdrew from the economy, or potential students choosing alternative education service destinations.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / The thesis investigates the motivations behind, the methods used in, and the results of the overseas students’ collective action contesting the measures, which the Australian government introduced from 1983 to 1996. As a group of temporary residents located outside the boundaries of domestic political systems, yet within the core of Australia’s revenue earnings, overseas students independently mobilised in an attempt to influence the Australian Government policy on education from a position of limited political, social and legal rights. As temporary residents on short-term permits fully regulated under prescribed immigration rules, overseas students employed conventional repertoires of contention— they established formal structures, adopted action tools, framed their claims, internationalised their protest, formed alliances — in an attempt to mobilise resources and access existing avenues to influence government’s export of education services policy. Their mobilisation response and campaign strategy achieved modest success in securing some policy concessions, particularly during the early stages of education aid reform. Their strategy, however had to evolve as the fledgling export of education services expanded and eventually they shifted their position to fully embrace and reinterpret the government’s own ‘language of liberalisation’, which they used to greater effectiveness in making subsequent claims. Overseas students ability to procure concessions is derived not from their political or universal rights to education, but from their ability to influence policy changes based on their importance and strategic location in the Australian economy. In other words, government, universities and industry stakeholders have increasingly become dependent on substantial revenue earnings derived from overseas students and have become susceptible to potential chaos that may be precipitated if current students withdrew from the economy, or potential students choosing alternative education service destinations.

This thesis examines the historical pattern of protest activity involving students from the University of Manchester and the London School of Economics between the academic years 1945/46 and 2010/11. Gathered through a protest event analysis of the universities’ student press, quantitative protest event data is presented that establishes a continuous pattern of protest activity at both institutions from the mid-fifties onwards. Adding to a small body of scholarship on student activism beyond the sixties epoch, the thesis challenges the assumption that student protest peaked in the late sixties, which currently dominates the student protest literature. The decade’s wave of student unrest is widely presented as exceptional and unprecedented, a golden age of student protest, casting non-sixties student generations as politically apathetic. The quantitative data refutes these claims, demonstrating an ongoing history of student protest on both campuses that sets precedent for the sixties mobilisations and undermines the idea that student apathy is pervasive on the post-sixties university campus. Between 1945/46 and 2010/11, University of Manchester students are involved in 840 protest events, while London School of Economics students participate in 505 protest events, a combined total of 1345 protest events. Using qualitative data drawn from the student press and other archival materials alongside the numeric data, the thesis argues that the British student unrest in the sixties had precedent in the fifties and early sixties, noting tactical and ideological similarities. Further, the thesis refutes the student apathy narrative using protest activity as evidence of student political participation, but also pointing to student engagement in formal and informal political activity, such as political party membership, voluntary action and campaigning for NGOs and pressure groups. Echoing studies on youth political participation, the thesis finds that students remain politically engaged across the twentieth and twenty-first century. Drawing together social movement theory with insights from the archival materials and student press, the thesis identifies factors contributing to the emergence, decline and survival of student protest activity at the University of Manchester and London School of Economics. The thesis establishes that progressive political and social values, student produced movement frames, access to resources on campus, political opportunities and campus activist networks interact to facilitate the emergence of student unrest. It also demonstrates that political factionalism and some forms of authority responses to unrest are key factors in declines in student protest activity. The thesis argues that attempts at co-option and repression by the state and the university, normally understood to prompt declines in protest, may actually provoke further activity amongst students. Applying Nella Van Dyke’s theory of ‘hotbeds of activism’ to the British context (1998), the thesis argues protest activity survives across the timeframe, because both universities have developed student activist networks and subcultures that maintain the traditions and practices of activism on campus. Activist expertise is transferred between student generations through the student unions, student societies and informal groupings, ensuring that that the campus activist networks are primed to seize opportunities for protest activity on and off campus.

No description available.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Sue Zschoche / Historians have often linked the route of the second wave of the women's movement on college campuses with the development of women's liberation as young women involved in the New Left came to feminist consciousness working in civil rights and anti-Vietnam protests. This dissertation considers a “longer, quieter” route to feminist consciousness on a college campus by considering the role of a dean of women, Dr. Emily Taylor, at the University of Kansas between 1956 and 1974. Through her office that centered on women’s affairs, Taylor used the student personnel and counseling profession to instigate the dissolution of parietals at KU, a project that has long been associated with New Left student protests. A liberal feminist committed to incremental change to benefit women’s equal status in society, Taylor structured her office to foster feminist consciousness in undergraduate students, and provided staff support to New Left and radical women’s groups as they emerged on the KU campus. As a result, the inter-generational exchange that occurred within the KU dean of women’s office illustrates one example of how liberal and radical feminists interacted to foster social change within an institution of higher learning. The projects undertaken within her office illustrate that these seemingly separate groups of women overlapped, collaborated, and sometimes clashed as they worked toward achieving feminist goals. Her career at KU also shows that the metaphor of a first and second wave of the women’s movement may not be an accurate picture of the growth of feminism on co-educational campuses. Little scholarly work exists on the role of deans of women in higher education, or regarding women college students in the years immediately following World War II. This dissertation adds to the literature in both areas, showing that in the case of KU the administration was not a monolithic obstacle to student protest, the New Left, civil rights, and feminism. Instead, Taylor as dean of women pushed initiatives that bore on all of these areas. While Taylor is one example, her career illustrates patterns in deans of women’s activities that deserve further study and consideration.

No description available.

The author of this dissertation thesis examines causes and intellectual sources of the student protest movement in the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1960s. He presents two societal concepts of post-world war Federal Republic of Germany. The idea of formed society started in the intellectual circles of the federal chancellor Ludwig Erhard. It had its roots in the experience of economic and political downfall of the Weimar republic and the apocaliptic war that followed. The idea of the long march through institutions was formulated by leaders of the student protest movement who saw it as the only way to change society from within after the failure of marxist revolution in western Europe. Although both concepts lost their appeal in the course of history, they still remain an important contribution to the modernisation process of the Federal Republic of Germany and at the same time are an answer to the initial question concerning the causes of the student protest movement.