Thesis advisor: Larry Wolff / Titoist Yugoslavia—the multiethnic state rising out of the chaos of World War II—is a particularly interesting setting to examine the integrity of the modern nation-state and, more specifically, the viability of a distinctly multi-ethnic nation-building project. Much scholarly literature has been devoted to the brutal civil wars that destroyed Yugoslavia during the 1990s with emphasizes on divisive nationalism and dysfunctional politics. But what held Tito’s state together for the preceding forty-six years? In an attempt to understand better what united the stable, multiethnic, and successful Yugoslavia that existed before 1991, this dissertation illuminates the pervasive problem of legitimacy within this larger history. Cast aside and threatened with removal by Stalin’s henchmen after the war, Tito made his revolution a genuine alternative to Soviet control. Because Tito and the ruling elite feared the loss of political power by either foreign aggression or from domestic groups challenging the Communist Party’s (LCY) claim to govern, they fought hard for the reform of Marxism. Furthermore, Yugoslav elites manipulated popular conceptions of a Yugoslav identity as a means to solidify their regime with a unifying and progressive identity. Citing elite perceptions of the Yugoslav system—including key aspects of central institutions such as the LCY and the military— this dissertation attempts to reconcile how leaders of a country that scholars have dismissed as full of national hatreds had constructed a functioning and popular system for so long. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2008. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

El presente trabajo se convierte en una contribución a los estudios de religiosidad andina ya que a través de una aproximación a la imagen de la Virgen de Copacabana posibilita a una lectura a este espacio sagrado desde época pre-colombina hasta nuestros días resultando la figura postergada del artista inca Francisco Tito Yupanqui. A nivel teórico, la historia de la mirada propuesto por Regis Debra, a permitido situar a la imagen de la Virgen de Copacabana en tres dimensiones: la imagen de las crónicas coloniales que permiten reencontrar al escultor Inca Francisco Tito Yupanqui: la imagen de los elementos contenidos en el símbolo, que en lo fundamental nos remiten a las antiguas deidades prehispanicas del sitio sagrado y finalmente a la mirada que las personas actualmente identifican a través de narraciones hacia los atributos sagrados de la Virgen de Copacabana. Estas tres dimenciones de la mirada de la imagen de la Virgen de Copacabana recuperadas a través de la historiografía, la etnografía y la historia oral, han develado algunos indicios de continuidad y ruptura relacionada a la proyección de los roles de género en los Andes en la memoria colectiva. El análisis logrado en función al tema y la metodología, permite situar al trabajo como un aporte para el conocimiento local donde es posible ver como la historia de un símbolo sagrado, alimenta la construcción de las identidades, en este caso las de género, a través de diversas proyecciones contenidas en la mirada, constando de esta forma la importancia de la historia en la construcción y consolidación de las identidades.

Communist Stardom in the Cold War: Josip Broz Tito in Western and Yugoslav Photography, 1943-1980 Nikolina Kurtovic Doctor of Philosophy Department of Art University of Toronto 2010 Abstract This dissertation examines the iconographic and ideological aspects of the public image of Josip Broz Tito, the communist leader of Socialist Yugoslavia and one of the major historical personalities of the twentieth century. By studying the specific historical, political, and cultural contexts of Tito’s changing iconography between 1943 and 1980, I considers a dynamic relationship between the Western and Eastern perspectives on his leadership style, personality, and role, as communicated in the idiom of Western photojournalism and celebrity photography, as well as the style of official presidential photography in Yugoslavia. I analyze photo-essays on Tito published in Life, Time, and Picture Post, and in the official Yugoslav magazines, Yugoslavia and Yugoslav Review, as well as his portraits by Yousuf Karsh and by Ivo Eterovic in his photo-book Tito’s Private Life. I engage the issues of image reception by studying fundamental stereotypes within the canon of Tito photography, exploring their relation to the popular and political discourses on war heroism, resistance myth, masculinity, leadership, communism, disease, romance, family, leisure and celebrity in the U.S. during World War Two and the Cold War. Tito’s photographs are compared with relevant examples in modern portrait photography, photojournalism, and European painting, thereby situating Tito’s example in the tradition of Western political image making, but also in relation to local traditions. My dissertation shows that the practical role of the cult of Tito in the American press during the Cold War was to render him and Yugoslavia as examples for the satellite countries, and to enlist popular support for U.S. policy. It also helped Tito navigate a political crisis following his 1948 break with Stalin. The iconography created in this context contributed to the genesis and modernizing of Yugoslav presidential photography in the 1950s. Appropriating the rhetoric and formal devices of Western celebrity and glamour photography, Yugoslav photographs created a set of presidential stereotypes and their photographs were bearers of the conventional narrative of Tito’s presidency in Yugoslav magazines and books addressing Western audiences between 1960 and 1980. My dissertation underscores the role of cross-cultural contacts and contexts for developing, maintaining, and understanding of Tito’s publicity and celebrity in the West.

Communist Stardom in the Cold War: Josip Broz Tito in Western and Yugoslav Photography, 1943-1980 Nikolina Kurtovic Doctor of Philosophy Department of Art University of Toronto 2010 Abstract This dissertation examines the iconographic and ideological aspects of the public image of Josip Broz Tito, the communist leader of Socialist Yugoslavia and one of the major historical personalities of the twentieth century. By studying the specific historical, political, and cultural contexts of Tito’s changing iconography between 1943 and 1980, I considers a dynamic relationship between the Western and Eastern perspectives on his leadership style, personality, and role, as communicated in the idiom of Western photojournalism and celebrity photography, as well as the style of official presidential photography in Yugoslavia. I analyze photo-essays on Tito published in Life, Time, and Picture Post, and in the official Yugoslav magazines, Yugoslavia and Yugoslav Review, as well as his portraits by Yousuf Karsh and by Ivo Eterovic in his photo-book Tito’s Private Life. I engage the issues of image reception by studying fundamental stereotypes within the canon of Tito photography, exploring their relation to the popular and political discourses on war heroism, resistance myth, masculinity, leadership, communism, disease, romance, family, leisure and celebrity in the U.S. during World War Two and the Cold War. Tito’s photographs are compared with relevant examples in modern portrait photography, photojournalism, and European painting, thereby situating Tito’s example in the tradition of Western political image making, but also in relation to local traditions. My dissertation shows that the practical role of the cult of Tito in the American press during the Cold War was to render him and Yugoslavia as examples for the satellite countries, and to enlist popular support for U.S. policy. It also helped Tito navigate a political crisis following his 1948 break with Stalin. The iconography created in this context contributed to the genesis and modernizing of Yugoslav presidential photography in the 1950s. Appropriating the rhetoric and formal devices of Western celebrity and glamour photography, Yugoslav photographs created a set of presidential stereotypes and their photographs were bearers of the conventional narrative of Tito’s presidency in Yugoslav magazines and books addressing Western audiences between 1960 and 1980. My dissertation underscores the role of cross-cultural contacts and contexts for developing, maintaining, and understanding of Tito’s publicity and celebrity in the West.

Existe abundante literatura dedicada a la interpretación de Venus en De rerum natura, poema del I a.C. del filósofo epicúreo y poeta romano Lucrecio. Sin embargo, las distintas apariciones de Venus a lo largo del poema, si bien están vinculadas a la noción epicúrea de ἡδονή o a otra categoría de la tradición filosófica griega, rebasan, en significado, esta referencia. Así, es legítimo rastrear el sentido de Venus en la filosofía epicúrea y, en general, en la tradición griega, desde Homero hasta Empédocles, lo cual nos permite afirmar que, en la obra de Lucrecio, el rol de Venus adquiere una nueva dimensión, sin precedentes. Proponemos que, por un lado, gracias a Venus, el poeta Lucrecio compone versos bellos para derrocar la religión. Pero, sobre todo, la diosa personifica el ordenamiento de la naturaleza y la reintegración del orden social al orden natural. El filósofo Lucrecio, en su lucha contra la divinidad, presenta a Venus como un elemento que expresa una racionalización del universo en términos políticos. Para sustentar nuestra hipótesis, hemos accedido al latín de Lucrecio para identificar en él conceptos de la política romana asociados indiscutiblemente al gobierno de la naturaleza, que nuestra diosa preside. / Tesis

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-06-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:07:48Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 barnabe_le_me_assis.pdf: 1081865 bytes, checksum: 94a1f842970e33f260ef1ade9b1cddd0 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / No primeiro livro de sua obra, o historiador romano Lívio se dedica ao período lendário da fundação de Roma e ao período monárquico que se sucede. A publicação deste volume ocorre paralelamente aos primeiros anos do principado de Augusto. Ao caracterizar sua época como um período de decadência da sociedade, o historiador incita seus contemporâneos a recuperarem o respeito às antigas tradições através da sua história de Roma. Esta pesquisa visa analisar a construção das personagens históricas dos reis e identificar as influências do presente do historiador na sua composição, principalmente no que tange à defesa de um modelo de identidade romana calcado nas tradições do mos maiorum. / In his first book, the Roman historian Livy dedicates himself to the legendary period of the foundation of Rome and to the monarchic period that follows on. The publication of this volume takes place in the first years of Augustus' principality. In characterizing his age as a period of society decadence, the historian incites his contemporaries to recover the respect for the old traditions through the history of Rome. This research aims to analyze the construction of historical characters of kings and identify the influences of the historian's present in its composition, especially regarding the defense of a model of Roman identity based on the traditions of the mos maiorum.

The author will perform an analysis of news, comments, documentaries and other articles in which the selected Czech printed media reported about the events in Yugoslavia during the years 1945-1948. He will observe not only the news regarding political events or economic development in the country, but also the articles reflecting the everyday life in Yugoslavia (cultural events, national relationships, religion, tourism etc.). The analysis will be chronologically bounded by May 1945 (liberation of Czechoslovakia) and June 1948 (publication of so called first resolution of Inform Bureau). Heuristic base of the thesis will be chosen in a such a way, so it covers political stratification of the Czech public sector during that period. The author will be therefore analyzing relevant articles from the periodicals that were being published either by KSC (Czechoslovakian communist party) or its closed partners (Rude Pravo, Kulturni Politika). He will also investigate articles from the daily journal Svobodne Slovo, which was being published by the Czechoslovakian Social Party as well as part of the Lidova Demokracie journal; the news outlet of Czechoslovak People's Party. Analysis will also be performed on news broadcasts, commentaries and reportages published in independent daily journals and magazines,...

This thesis intends to do an analysis of the socialist ideology in former Yugoslavia and Sweden during the time 1948 until 1962. The analysis is done on 8 political speeches each, from the former president of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito and from the former prime minister of Sweden, Tage Erlander. We have specified our analysis on five certain policy areas which are: labour market, welfare, foreign policy, democracy and national identity. The aim of the study is to find what kind of similarities and differences that can be found in the speeches, in relation to socialist values. The reason for analysing the views from these two politicians’, is because both claim to be socialist. The study shows that the socialist ideology in Sweden and Yugoslavia, have both similarities and differences. Both Erlander and Tito stem from a Marxist idea tradition which is evident in how they advocate for economic socialism, the labour theory and for the overall implementation of socialism in their respective nation. The main differences that is evident from their speeches is how they look upon the control of government, something which makes them very different in terms of socialist values. Erlander is advocating for a social democratic socialist model which is controlled by the people in a democratic manner, whereas Tito is advocating for a revolutionary, soviet-like socialism that is controlled by himself and the party he represents. The differences and similarities in the socialist values becomes apparent in the different policy areas. Where in some areas, the socialist values differ a lot and in some, less.

<p>Istorijsko razdoblje u Jugoslaviji, u drugoj polovini &scaron;ezdesetih godina 20. veka, nakon otpoĉinjanja privredne reforme i Brionskog plenuma, poznato je po svojim reformskim karakteristikama. Temeljna reforma ekonomskog sistema, ubrzo je pro&scaron;irena i na ostale segmente dru&scaron;tva i uticala je na promenu samog karaktera federalistiĉkog ustrojstva, kao i na decentralizaciju vladajuće partije. U Srbiji su modernizacijske i reformistiĉke tendencije, koje su odnele prevagu u dru&scaron;tvu, najcelovitije bile izraţene u vreme rukovodstva Saveza komunista ove republike, na ĉijem ĉelu se nalazio Marko Nikezić (1968&ndash;1972). U radu su istraţeni spoljnopolitiĉki segmenti jugoslovenskog reformskog usmerenja, analizom kauzalnih odnosa sa istoĉnim i zapadnim hladnoratovskim blokom. Polazeći od strukturne krize u prvoj polovini &scaron;ezdesetih, istraţena je ekonomska i idejna osnova privredne reforme, odgovor na nju sa stanovi&scaron;ta levo radikalne studentske pobune 1968., kao i politiĉki dometi Brionskog plenuma. U radu se istraţuju i reforma i reogranizacija SKJ, su&scaron;tinska decentralizacija jugoslovenskog federalizma, kao i odnosi reformskog rukovodstva Srbije sa drugim jugoslovenskim republikama i jugoslovenskim predsednikom Titom.<br />Posebna paţnja u radu je posvećena partijskom rukovodstvu Marka Nikezića i njegovim temeljnim programskim usmerenjima, promovisanim pod idejom &bdquo;Moderne Srbije&ldquo;. Ideje socijalistiĉke demokratizacije, sa povećanom ulogom autonomnih segmenata dru&scaron;tva, po&scaron;tovanje institucionalnog okvira i insistiranje na kompetentnosti, znaĉajno su umanjili realan pritisak politiĉkih struktura na dru&scaron;tvo, jaĉajući ga na raĉun drţave. TakoĊe, svojim razumevanjem Jugoslavije kao sloţene drţave, odbacivanjem uloge Srbije kao ĉuvara Jugoslavije, odbacivanjem patronata nad Srbima u drugim republikama, povećanim samoupravnim pravima pokrajina &ndash; temeljno i su&scaron;tinski je napravljen diskontinuitet sa svim centralistiĉkim i nacionalistiĉkim pojavama u Srbiji. Ovakva politika odve&scaron;će partijsko rukovodstvo republike u sukob sa predstavnicima nacionalistiĉke kritiĉke inteligencije. U radu su analizirane i<br />ekonomske postavke, kao i spoljnopolitiĉka orijentacija rukovodstva SK Srbije, kao i njihova kulturna politika, koja je imala intenciju da ponudi alternativu postojećim obrascima u ovoj oblasti dru&scaron;tva. Naposletku, istraţen je sukob koncepcija unutar rukovodstva Srbije, njihove meĊusobne razlike, kao i Titova arbitraţa u korist jedne strane, koja će kljuĉne reformske protagoniste modernizacije ukloniti sa politiĉke i javne scene Srbije i Jugoslavije.</p> / <p>History of Yugoslavian in the second half of the 1960s, after the initiation of economic reforms and Brioni Plenary Session, is characterized by the reform attempts. Fundamental reform of the economic system was soon expanded on other parts of society, affected the federalist character of the state and led towards the decentralization of the ruling party. In Serbia, modernizing and reformist tendencies that have prevailed in the society, were in the most comprehensive way expressed at the time of the leadership of the League of Communists of Serbia by Marko Nikezić (1968-1972). In the beginning dissertation deals with foreign policy aspects of Yugoslav reform orientation by analyzing interrelatedness with Cold War policy of Great Powers. Starting from the structural crisis in the first half of the 1960s, economic and ideological basis of economy reform was researched, as well as the response from the radical left with the Students rebellion in 1968 and political achievements of the Brioni Plenary Session. Dissertation also explores reform and reorganization of the LSY, fundamental decentralization of Yugoslav federal system, as well as relations of leaders of Serbian reformist movement with other Yugoslav republics and president Tito.<br />Particular attention is paid to the leaders of Serbian party and to its basic program guidelines, promoted under the idea of &quot;Modern Serbia&quot;. Ideas of socialist democratization, with the increasing role of autonomous parts of society, respect of institutional framework and insisting on competence, have eroded existing pressure of political structure on the society, strengthening it at the expense of the state. Also, their understanding of Yugoslavia as a composite state, rejecting of the role of Serbia as a guardian of Yugoslavia, declining patronage of Serbs in other republics, increased self-&nbsp;government of the provinces &ndash; made fundamental and essential discontinuity with all the centralist and nationalist developments in Serbia. This policy led the Serbian party leadership in conflict with the representatives of the nationalist intellectuals. Dissertation analyzes economic attitudes, foreign policy orientation, as well as cultural policy of the Serbian party leadership, which had the intention to offer an alternative to existing patterns of society development. Finally, we studied the conflict of different concepts within the leadership of Serbia, their differences, and Tito arbitration in favor of one side, with decisive consequences that led towards the removal of key figures of modernization attempt from the political and public scene of Serbia and Yugoslavia.</p>

Zugl.: Salzburg, Univ., Diss., 2005