yes / Although at the national level the relationship between financial development, human capital and economic growth has received some attention, this is largely an under-researched area at the sub-national level. Human capital may impact economic growth through the channel of innovation and along with financial development could be complementary or substitute in their relationship to economic growth. Also, human capital investment, enabled by the financial sector development, not only affects growth but also directly and indirectly affects poverty reduction through the channel of growth. In this study we examine the interaction between financial development, human capital and economic growth at the sub-national level using panel dataset covering 23 states of India for the period 1999-2013. Our analysis suggests that there is evidence of positive relationship between human capital and financial development to economic growth. / New journal still to be published by Oxford Academic Journals (OUP). Final draft suppressed for 24 months - check when journal published as to exact embargo - sm - 25/04/2018 © 2018 Oxford University Press. Reproduced in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. This is a pre-copy-editing, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in Journal of Banking, Finance and Sustainable Development following peer review. The definitive publisher-authenticated version [as above] is available online at: / The full text will be available at the end of the publisher's embargo, 2 years after publication.

Around 20 years ago subnational actors connected in Northern Sweden/Finland founding the Bothnian Corridor Project and lobbying successfully for support from the European Union/on the European level. This research paper will investigate the story of success from the perspective of the subnational actors. The case of the Bothnian Corridor is of interest because the Swedish subnational actors are often considered as weak or not so formalised. The Research Paper will investigate the processes which led to the activity on the European level and will review how the communication between the European level and the subnational actors is functioning.There are three driving processes. The first one is that there was a need in renewing the railroad system and the regions had a common interest. The second one is the establishment of regions as a subnational actor with a formalised responsibility for regional development. In the beginning of the 2000s the third process started where a stronger focus on regions and regional development on the European level became visible. Those driving forces are identified by this paper as the base of the Bothnian Corridor Project.The other aspect the paper is investigating is the communication between the different policy levels. There can be the picture drawn that the communication between the subnational players and the EU is cooperative; they both see the potential in this relationship. They are very open to working together which is just possible because the North Sweden European Office explained each other position to both parties and did "interest translation" and the national level is setting up limitations for the communication.

This article presents a contribution to the approach when with political parties at the sub-national level. After the political parties crisis of 1989-1993 the Peruvian political system was reconfigured. Within this framework, regional and municipal elections were held (2002-2014) and showed how regional movements became hegemonic electoral actors at the subnational level. However, these elections also exhibited a high party volatility, both for regional and national parties. Thus, the present work seeks to rethink our approach to the Peruvian party system and democratic institutionality, assuming that instability is its essential characteristic and, from this, to understand democratic consolidation under this scenario. / Este artículo presenta un aporte a la manera de abordar la problemática de los partidos políticos a escala sub-nacional. Luego de la crisis partidaria de 1989 -1993, se reconfiguró el sistema político peruano. En este marco, se desarrollaron las elecciones regionales y municipales (2002-2014), que mostraron cómo los movimientos regionales se volvieron actores hegemónicos electorales en el ámbito subnacional. Sin embargo, estas elecciones también exhibieron una alta volatilidad partidaria, tanto en los partidos nacionales como en los regionales. Así, el presente trabajo busca repensar nuestro acercamiento al sistema de partidos peruanos y la institucionalidad democrática, asumiendo que la inestabilidad es su característica esencial y, a partir de ello, comprender la consolidación democrática desde este escenario.

Submitted by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2015-03-30T19:51:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Abraham, Adrián Sánchez.pdf: 1137350 bytes, checksum: 7fb3ba581cff0629bf2648d21a6b3b54 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tatiana Lima (tatianasl@ufba.br) on 2015-04-06T17:54:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Abraham, Adrián Sánchez.pdf: 1137350 bytes, checksum: 7fb3ba581cff0629bf2648d21a6b3b54 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-06T17:54:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Abraham, Adrián Sánchez.pdf: 1137350 bytes, checksum: 7fb3ba581cff0629bf2648d21a6b3b54 (MD5) / O processo legislativo que acontece nas assembleias legislativas dos Estados é resultado do exercício da soberania popular na elaboração de leis, por meio dos deputados estaduais, que são os representantes ou delegados eleitos pelo povo. Na democracia brasileira, com “presidencialismo de coalizão” e “ultrapresidencialismo” dos Governadores, o Chefe do Poder Executivo tem instrumentos institucionais e força política para dirigir a agenda política e legislativa. A Advocacia Pública de Santa Catarina, exercida pela Procuradoria Geral do Estado (PGE/SC), tem a função institucional de opinar acerca da sanção ou veto de autógrafo, denominação dada ao documento submetido ao Chefe do Poder Executivo com o texto final de um projeto de lei aprovado na casa legislativa, para sanção ou veto. Este trabalho, a partir de abordagem quantitativa, analisou a produção legislativa catarinense a partir do acervo de 1.178 pareceres sobre autógrafos expedidos pela PGE/SC e respectivos autógrafos, de 1995 a 2012, mais uma amostra aleatória de 610 autógrafos dentre aqueles que não passaram pela PGE/SC, no período. O objetivo foi conhecer os fatores que levaram o Governador a sancionar ou vetar um autógrafo. Como resultado, verificou-se que o conteúdo da legislação aprovada pelo deputado estadual e sancionada pelo Governador beneficia o reduto eleitoral do parlamentar, assim entendido tanto o local geográfico como a classe, categoria ou coletividade específica que suporta eleitoralmente o deputado. Os achados do trabalho sugerem que, quando a iniciativa legislativa é parlamentar, deputados com carreira política mais longa, com mais de um mandato, no mínimo, tendem a ter seus projetos aprovados e sancionados pelo Governador. Quanto ao alinhamento entre a recomendação da PGE/SC e o ato do Governador, a conclusão é a de que, em linhas gerais, no período houve alinhamento, com exceção de casos em que a iniciativa legislativa foi de parte do Poder Executivo e o autógrafo beneficiava classe, categoria ou coletividade específica. Assim, os resultados obtidos lançam luzes sobre a dinâmica do processo legislativo brasileiro, com possíveis implicações para a teoria e para a prática política. The legislative process that takes place in the states parliaments at the subnational level in Brazil is a result of the exercise of popular sovereignty in the drafting of laws, by means of state legislators, who are the representatives or delegates elected by the people. In Brazilian democracy with "coalition presidentialism" and "ultrapresidentialism" of States Governors, the Governors count on institutional and political power to direct the political and legislative agenda. The Santa Catarina public advocacy, exercised by the General Prosecuter of the State of Santa Catarina (PGE/SC), has the institutional role of issuance of legal opinion about sanction or veto of the bill, which is the document submitted to the Governor with the final text of a bill approved in the legislative house, to sanction or veto. This study analyzed the legislative production of Santa Catarina State from a collection of 1,178 legal opinions on bills issued by PGE/SC and their respective bill, covering the period from 1995 to 2012, plus a random sample of 610 bills of those who have not been submitted to PGE/SC for issuance of a legal opinion in the period. The purpose was to understand the factors that lead the Governor to sanction or veto a bill. As result, it was found that the content of the bill approved by state parliament representative and sanctioned by the Governor benefits the representative constituencies, thus understood both the geographic location as the class, category or specific community that supports electorally the representative. The findings of this study suggest that when the legislative initiative is parliamentary, members with longer political career, with at least more than one term, tend to have their projects approved and sanctioned by the Governor. As for the alignment between the recommendation of the PGE/SC and the act of the Governor, the conclusion is that, in general, in the period there has been alignment, except for cases in which the legislative initiative was by the executive and the bill benefited class, category or specific community. Thus, the results shed light on the dynamics of the Brazilian legislative process, with possible implications for theory and political practice.

Se realiza una investigación comparada de los consejos de las artes de tres regiones subnacionales de países distintos: Cataluña (España), Escocia (Reino Unido) y Jalisco (México) para investigar la aplicación del principio de “arm’s length”, su ejecución, su relación con el contexto cultural y político, así como su inclusión en sistemas institucionales distintos al anglosajón. Con una metodología cualitativa y el uso de estudios de caso, se llevan a cabo trabajos de campo en cada lugar mediante entrevistas, observaciones y trabajo documental, aplicando el canon conjunto de concordancias y diferencias para su análisis. Se concluye que un consejo de las artes no es necesariamente un organismo bajo el principio de “arm’s length” y se reflexiona sobre la influencia que los actores involucrados buscan ejercer a través de sus diversos recursos. La relación entre los consejos y sus contextos muestra las dialécticas entre legitimidad/eficiencia, transparencia/clientelismo y diferenciación/estandarización y tensiones entre centro/periferia. Desde la política se utiliza este principio como argumento retórico, mientras se pretende tener mayor control sobre las decisiones, aunque esto aumente su nivel de responsabilidad. Desde el sector cultural se ignora que el principio busca también mantener su distancia con él para evitar clientelismos. Se evidencia un mimetismo que copia modelos ajenos sin adaptarlos suficientemente al contexto y sin profundizar en experiencias externas ni con reflexiones teóricas, lo cual deja al descubierto algunos errores del proceso. / Titol: Els consells de les arts i el principi d’“arm’s length” en les politiques culturals subnacionals: un estudi comparatiu entre Catalunya (Espanya), Escòcia (Regne Unit) i Jalisco (Mèxic). Resum: Es realitza una investigació comparada dels consells de les arts de tres regions subnacionals de països diversos: Catalunya (Espanya), Escòcia (Regne Unit) i Jalisco (Mèxic) per investigar l'aplicació del principi d’"arm's length", la seva execució, la relació amb el context cultural i polític, així com la seva inclusió en sistemes institucionals diferents a l’anglosaxó. Amb una metodologia qualitativa i l’ús d'estudis de cas, es porten a terme treballs de camp en cada lloc mitjançant entrevistes, observacions i treball documental, aplicant el cànon conjunt de concordances i diferències per a la seva anàlisi. Es conclou que un consell de les arts no és necessàriament un organisme sota el principi d’"arm 's length" i es reflexiona sobre la influència que els actors involucrats busquen exercir a través dels seus diversos recursos. La relació entre els consells i els seus contextos mostra les dialèctiques entre legitimitat/eficiència, transparència/clientelisme, diferenciació/estandardització i tensions entre centre/perifèria. Des de la política s'utilitza aquest principi com argument retòric, mentre es pretén tenir major control sobre les decisions, encara que això augmenti el seu nivell de responsabilitat. Des del sector cultural s'ignora que el principi busca també mantenir la seva distància amb ell per evitar clientelismes. S'evidencia un mimetisme que copia models aliens sense adaptar-los suficientment al context i sense aprofundir en experiències externes ni amb reflexions teòriques, la qual cosa deixa al descobert alguns dels errors del procés. / Title: The arts councils and the arm’s length principle in cultural policy at a subnational level: A comparative study between Catalonia (Spain), Jalisco (Mexico) and Scotland (UK). Abstract: Comparative research on the arts councils of three sub-national regions from different countries, Catalonia (Spain), Jalisco (Mexico) and Scotland (United Kingdom), is carried out to examine the application of the arm's length principle, its performance, its relation to the cultural and politic context and its inclusion in institutional systems other than the Anglo-Saxon system. With a qualitative methodology and case study strategy, fieldwork is performed in each place through interviews, observations and documentary work, applying the joint canon of agreement and difference for analysis. The conclusion reached is that an arts council is not necessarily a body under the arm's length principle and the influence that stakeholders seek to exert through their various resources is reflected upon. The relationship between arts councils and their context shows the dialectics between legitimacy/efficiency, transparency/clientelism and differentiation/standardisation, and the tensions between the centre/periphery. This principle is used from politics as a rhetorical argument, while the aim is to have more control over decisions, even though this increases the level of accountability. The cultural sector is unaware that the principle also seeks to keep its distance from it to avoid clientelism. There is an evident mimicry, copying foreign models without adapting them sufficiently to the context and without delving more deeply into external experiences and theoretical reflections, which reveals some mistakes of the process.