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This thesis will examine the role of Islamist political parties and what effect their interpretation of national identity has played in dividing the people of Sudan, resulting in two civil wars. It will examine the manifestations and interpretations of Islam and pan-Arabism among the various Islamist parties of Northern Sudan, exploring the ethnic and religious factors which influence Islamist political groups, as well as their social bases which are tied to economics, language, and the conception of a distinctly "Arab" or "African" culture. This thesis will argue that the predominance of these Islamist political parties in the Sudanese government combined with the lack of a Sudanese identity and historical factors have combined to prevent the consolidation of state power, leading to situations of protracted conflict. The imposition, or attempted imposition, of an Islamic identity on the state as a whole prevents unity as it necessarily excludes certain parts of the population as well as disenfranchising those who, whilst they might be Muslim, do not subscribe to the same interpretation of Islamic identity.

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Since its independence on July 9, 2011, the Republic of South Sudan, with the assistance of various internal and external stakeholders, has been working towards viable and constructive political and socio-economic change in the new state. These processes of change are aimed at the effective development of South Sudan as a sovereign, peaceful and stable nation-state that is capable of serving the short- and long-term needs and expectations of its citizens and the environment at large. However, the successful realisation of this transformation is facing serious challenges. These challenges are partly attributable to the unresolved issues and consequences of South Sudan’s protracted years of civil war with Sudan, and the difficulties that often confront post-conflict societies, especially a post-independence state like South Sudan, which came into existence after two prolonged civil wars. Given the complexity of South Sudan’s post-independence environment, this study aims to gain a clearer understanding of South Sudan’s complex transformational and peace-building challenges as an independent state; and to propose recommendations on how they can be managed. This will be achieved through the use of historical and qualitative research methods, which locate the study within a framework that provides the basis for the analyses of the data collected on South Sudan and on the subjects of conflict transformation and peace-building. As South Sudan celebrated its one-year anniversary on July 9, 2012, it was recalled that the country’s official independence was regarded as a historic event for the African continent at large. While there were high expectations among the South Sudanese population and the international community that this signalled an end to Africa’s longest conflict, it was soon clouded by a myriad of political, economic, socio-cultural, peace, security and development challenges. These include building an entirely new state out of the ruins of war, confronting the unresolved resource and border demarcation conflicts with Sudan, and tackling South Sudan’s own internal ethnic confrontations, among many other human resources and capacity challenges. Given South Sudan’s challenging post-conflict and post-independence environment, this study contends that contrary to the notion that the resolution and transformation of the Sudan-South Sudan conflict and the birth of the new Republic of South Sudan ended the conflict between the two entities, the secession did not create a cohesive and robust new state that is free from serious internal and external challenges. The Government of South Sudan (GoSS) and external and internal stakeholders, including the African Union (AU); the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD); the United Nations (UN); civil society organisations (CSOs) and various individual countries (among many other initiatives) have been and are actively engaged in joint efforts to address and manage the challenges that confront South Sudan as an independent state. However, such endeavours have mainly concentrated on state-building issues, resources and border demarcation conflicts, and have focused less on the problems of nation-building. As such, internal complexities such as social and national identity, the decentralisation of power/broader representation in government and state affairs and growing ethnic conflicts have continued to receive less attention. Bearing this in mind, this study argues that unless these internal matters are given serious consideration, sustainable peace and development in South Sudan will remain elusive. While negotiations to resolve the cross-border South Sudan-Sudan conflicts continue, a solution that is acceptable to all parties is only possible if all the conflicting parties are invited to the negotiation table to engage in peaceful dialogue and find the means to reconcile their differences and build trustworthy and mutually beneficial relationships. The study also identifies a need for the promotion and coordination of a constructive relationship between the South Sudanese state and civil society. It further recognises the importance of building inclusive political processes to facilitate a state-society cooperative environment, and the development of state capacity to perform its duties in a manner that satisfies the expectations of the population that they will enjoy the fruits of their long-drawn out struggle for independence. In terms of how these processes can be achieved, the study recommends an indigenous intervention mechanism that encourages the active engagement of the entire post-conflict society in its own peace-building and development initiatives. This mechanism is encapsulated in John Paul Lederach’s Pyramid Model of conflict transformation, which emphasises the importance of coordinating peace-building activities between and among the various leadership levels – the top, middle and grassroots leaders of the post-conflict society. This model also advocates that the local community be encouraged to develop and drive its own peace-building and development activities, which is a major step forward in reconciling differences, building a sense of belonging, trust, mutual respect and ultimately societal cohesion. These are very important considerations for any society or state with the long-term goal of sustainable peace and development. The research study thus recommends this model for managing South Sudan’s challenges. It urges all stakeholders to promote the involvement of the local community in peace-building and development activities and to facilitate peaceful dialogue and reconciliation within South Sudan and with Sudan in order to achieve viable peace and development in the longer term. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

In 2003, a conflict broke out in Darfur, Sudan’s western province, between the mainly “African” rebels and the government forces and their proxy “Arab” militias. It is estimated that about 200,000 people have so far died in the conflict from fighting, disease, and starvation. The UN and aid agencies estimate that over two million Darfurians, out of the population of about six million, are living in refugee camps. Even though the majority of all deaths in Darfur have occurred in 2003 and 2004, the conflict is nowhere near the end. Even after more than five years since the Darfur conflict began, there is hardly any comprehensive information about the rebels’ aims, objectives, and plans for the future. We cannot fully understand the conflict and plan peace negotiations between the warring parties if we do not know enough about the rebels. This study has critically explored the aims and perspectives of the Justice and Equality Movement, currently the most powerful Darfur rebel movement. The author has used the first-hand information gathered through interviews with the representatives of the rebel movement and additional data about the conflict and the rebels collected through an extensive literature analysis to portray the movement and its aims, perspectives, and plans for the future. Using the grounded theory approach as the data analysis tool, the author has presented key findings about the Darfur conflict from the perspective of the Justice and Equality Movement that have emerged from the data collected in this study.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Sudan is a country that has been affected by a history of multiple destructive civil wars. Conflicts that, in a global perspective, have proven to be as devastating as interstate wars, or on occasion even more destructive, in terms of the numbers of casualties, refugee figures and the effects on a country’s society. The conflict in Darfur, in the western region of Sudan, is a civil war that illustrates one of the direst scenarios. In around five years of warfare, more than 200,000 people have died in the conflict, and around two million Darfurians were displaced, creating what the UN calls the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The civil war was initiated by the attacks of two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, against government installations. Although presenting insurgency characteristics, the civil war in Darfur has been commonly labelled as a “tribal” conflict of “Africans” versus “Arabs”. An explanation that seems to fail to clarify the complex circumstances belying the situation. As seen in this study, although identity factors played their role as a cause of the conflict, the ‘ethnic hatred’ justification of war doesn’t seem to be sufficient to explain the present situation. Darfur appears to be a clear example that there is no single factor that can explain such a war. In the case of Darfur, various factors seem to have interplayed in creating the necessary conditions for the eruption of violence. This study focused on two of these factors – the environmental hazards that have been affecting the region, and the government’s use of the Janjaweed militia in its counterinsurgency movement. Both, and in different ways, seem to have contributed to dividing the Darfurian society between two poles, thus worsening the circumstances in the region and helping generate the high levels of violence that characterise the Darfur conflict. Most important, in analysing the conflict of Darfur with a point of view that goes beyond the “ethnic hatred” explanation, it seems possible to identify issues, such as land ownership, that are in vital need of being addressed in order to achieve peace in 4 the region. As seen in this thesis, it seems that it is only through a broad understanding of the complex causes of the conflict that peace negotiations might have any hope of success. While those continue to be ignored, any peace agreements or prospects of finding a solution to the conflict will be unrealistic.

Thesis (DTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2000 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is a theological-ethical study of suffering and God in relation to the war in Sudan. It examines historical, political, socio-economic and religious factors behind one of the longest wars of Africa. Over the last forty years, Sudan, the largest country in Africa has intermittently been at war with itself. This bitter conflict, pitting the predominantly Moslem north against Christian and animist south, has devastated communities, families as well as basic socio-economic infrastructure and has turned this potentially rich land into one of the most impoverished and heavily indebted countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. From 1983 to the present, this war of attrition has claimed nearly two million lives and displaced double that figure of people from their homes, scattering them all over the globe. But in the midst of this human catastrophe, the church has grown enormously. It has one of the fastest growth rates in Africa today. In its struggle with faith and the reality of suffering, the church in Sudan variedly interprets its predicament if only to make sense of this sordid experience. In that regard, it interprets suffering as divine judgement and as a direct result of a cosmic conflict between God and the forces of evil. At the same time, the church pleads with God for his intervention and deliverance. Thus, the image of God as Judge-Deliverer largely dominates the theology and worship of the suffering church in the war-torn country. This seems to be the major theme of more than 1 500 Bor Dinka new songs, composed in the war. To place the suffering of the church in Sudan in the larger context of Christian theology, this dissertation briefly looks at the problem of evil and suffering in 'classical theology', examining the thought of Augustine, Luther and Calvin as well as the paradigm shift in the optimism of the Enlightenment. Similarly, this dissertation takes a brieW look at 'alternative theodicies' that followed the collapse of the fine edifice of the Age of Reason and the dereliction of the world wars and natural disasters. In this category is to be found the dialectic theology of Karl Barth and Ji.irgen Moltmann. The praxis of Liberation Theology is also briefly explored as a response to suffering. GC Berkouwer's 'believing theodicy' is examined as a theological and Biblical critique of the whole project of theodicy as a wrongheaded enterprise vainly trying to justify the ways of God to man instead of the reverse. The African traditional view of suffering and evil is explored as a sharp contrast to the Western view. Looking at the Scripture, this work identifies five ways the Bible addresses the problem of evil and suffering. In the Bible, suffering may come as a punishment for sin or as a disciplinary measure from God or as a test of faith or faithfulness or as a price of choosing to follow Jesus or simply as innocent as in the case of Job. Admitting to the apparent mystery and insolubility of the problem of evil, this dissertation, finally, proposes the cross, community, character and hope as the only viable framework of transcending and transforming suffering. It argues in that regard that the incarnation is the distinctively Christian answer to the problem of evil and suffering in which that transcending and transforming can be effected. Within the framework of the cross, community, character and hope suffering can be transcended and transformed into the highest good possible in this life. The cross reminds those who suffer that God has done and will do something about suffering and that he does not abandon us in suffering. The community absorbs suffering and helps the victim through the ordeal. Character is formed and toughened as the sufferer chooses to respond appropriately to suffering. Hope tells us that suffering shall be ultimately overcome and a new order of things shall be ushered in, thus spurring us on to participate in the present as we anticipate that bright future. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif is 'n teologies-etiese studie van lyding en God in verhouding tot die oorlog in Soedan. Dit ondersoek die historiese, politiese, sosio-ekonomiese en godsdienstige faktore agter een van die langdurigste oorloe in Afrika. Soedan, die grootste land in Afrika, is oor die afgelope veertig jaar ononderbroke in oorlog met sigself gewikkel. Hierdie bittere konflik, waarin die hoofsaaklik Moslem Noorde die Christen en animistiese Suidelike deel van die land teenstaan, het gemeenskappe en gesinne verwoes, sowel as die basiese sosio-ekonomiese infrastruktuur, en het sodoende hierdie potensieel ryk land omskep in een van die armoedigste lande, met een van die swaarste skuldelaste, in Afrika benede die Sahara. Vanaf 1983 tot op hede het hierdie uitputtingsoorlog amper twee miljoen lewens geeis, terwyl dit tweemaal sovee! mense van hul tuistes verplaas en hul wereldwyd versprei het. Ter midde van hierdie menslike katastrofe het kerklidmaatskap ontsaglik toegeneem. Die groeitempo is inderdaad tans een van die hoogstes in Afrika. In sy worsteling met die geloof en die realiteit van lyding interpreteer die kerk in Soedan sy toestand op 'n verskeidenheid van wyses, in 'n poging om sodoende van hierdie haglike omstandighede sin te maak. Lyding word interpreteer as die strafgerig van God, en as 'n direkte gevolg van die kosmiese konflik tussen God en die bose magte. Gelyktydig pleit die kerk met God vir sy ingryping en verlossing. Die siening van God as Regter- Verlosser is dus oorheersend in die teologie en aanbidding van die lydende kerk in 'n oorloggeteisterde land. Dit blyk die hooftema te wees van die meer as 1 500 Bor Dinka liedere wat ontstaan het gedurende die oorlog. Om die Iyding van die kerk in Soedan binne die groter konteks van die Christelike Teologie te plaas, word die probleem van die bose en Iyding in die klassieke teologie in hierdie proefskrif kortliks behandel. Die denke van Augustinus, Luther en Calvyn, sowel as die paradigmaverskuiwing wat gepaard gegaan het met die optimisme van die Verligting, word ondersoek. Hierdie proefskrif beskou ook kortliks die alternatiewe godslere wat gevolg het op die ineenstorting van die agttiende eeu se "Age of Reason" asook die verwaarlosing and ontwrigting van die wereldoorloe en verskeie natuurrampe. In hierdie kategorie vind ons die dialektiese teologie van Karl Barth en Jurgen Moltmann. Die praktyk van die Bevrydingsteologie word ook kortliks ondersoek as reaksie op Iyding. GC Berkouwer se 'believing theodicy' word ondersoek as teologiese en Bybelse kritiek op die hele projek van godsleer as 'n aweregse onderneming wat vergeefs probeer om die werkwyse van God te regverdig vir die mens, in plaas van die teenoorgestelde. Die tradisionele Africa-siening van lyding en die bose word ook ondersoek, as skerp kontras met die Westerse siening. Vanuit die Skrif, identifiseer hierdie studie vyf wyses waarop die probleem van die bose en lyding in die Bybel aangespreek word. In die Bybel is lyding In straf vir sonde, In tugmaatreel van God, In toets van geloof oftrou of die prys wat geeis word vir die keuse om Jesus te volg. Andersins, kan die mens heeltemal onskuldig wees, soos in die geval van Job. Hierdie proefskrif erken dat die probleem van die bose raaiselagtig en skynbaar onoplosbaar is. Die kruis, die gemeenskap, karakter, en hoop word uiteindelik voorgestel as die enigste gangbare raamwerk vir die transendering en transformasie van lyding. Daar word geredeneer dat in hierdie verband die opstanding die kenmerkende Christel ike antwoord op die probleeem van die bose en lyding bied, waarbinne hierdie transendering en transformasie kan geskied. Binne die raamwerk van die kruis, die gemeenskap, karakter en hoop, kan die mens lyding transendeer en dit transformeer tot die hoogste moontlike goed in hierdie lewe. Die kruis herinner die lydendes dat God reeds iets gedoen het, en nog sal doen omtrent lyding, en dat Hy ons nie in ons lyding sal verlaat nie. Die gemeenskap absorbeer lyding, en help die slagoffer deur die beproewing. Karakter word gevorm en geslyp soos die lydende kies om op geskikte wyse te reageer op die lyding. Die hoop verkondig die uiteindelike oorwinning oor lyding, en die begin van In nuwe bedeling; dus word ons aangespoor om deel te neem aan die aksie van die hede terwyl ons op daardie helder toekoms wag.