In this project, I treat Sudan as an exemplary case study for the examination of kinship and agency in contexts of layered imperialisms. I juxtapose a contemporary postcolonial novel by Tayeb Salih (Mawsim al-hijra ila shamal / Season of Migration to the North (1966/69)), and four contemporary unpublished plays (1994 - 2002) by the Kwoto Cultural Center in Khartoum, Sudan, and ask how the texts, the performance traditions, and their creators appropriate kinship as a vehicle to discuss, uphold and/or challenge the reproduction of economic, social and political values and the dominant ideologies that continue to define a "North" and "South" as gendered geographies in contemporary Sudan. Rather than simply reiterate the transformative importance of the 19th century British colonial period in Sudan, I seek to build on the insights of previous scholarship by bringing to the fore the ways the vestiges and shadows of overlapping and layered imperialisms condition the architecture of the texts audiences read and witness today. I argue that within these multiple contexts, kinship is an elastic concept, one that is not static, but constantly made, remade, lived in and negotiated over the boundaries of temporalities and geographies. I argue that the texts under investigation do not force Sudan to cohere as "one nation" but rather attest to this complex present both by mirroring Sudan's diverse composition and by inviting new ways of reading and relating that help to create new configurations and new social orders that compete with "nation" as a modality of community. In the Introduction, I set out an historical framework sensitive to layered imperialisms and examine how the reconsolidation and resilience of kinship ties has impacted authority and agency. In Chapter One, "The Kinlessness of Mustafa Sa'eed: Parentage and the Migration North in Tayeb Salih's Season of Migration to the North," I suggest that Sudan's ethno-religious division into a geography of "North" and "South" is revealed through an analysis of Mustafa Sa'eed's "kinlessness" and the inextricability of that kinlessness from the reality of his parentage. My analysis suggests that this novel by a celebrated northern Sudanese author traces a submerged history of Sa'eed's parents: the Beja from the North and the slave from the South, and in this way explores the opposing ideologies of "freedom" and "servility." Chapter Two, "'Summarizing the South': Staging Kinship and Unity in Select Plays by The Kwoto Cultural Center," explores the "North"/ "South" divide from the perspective of displaced southerners living in the North of Sudan. This chapter moves to the realm of performance, from literacy to orality, and from the single author to the collective. After an introduction to the troupe and its context as well as the salient themes of the chapter, I discuss my methodology and fieldwork in Sudan, and then offer a selective overview of Sudanese performance traditions that are relevant to a reading of Kwoto's theater. I then turn to an analysis of the plays, focusing on how each play engages kinship as both content and method in the context of relations among southerners and between southerners and those external to the community, including ancestors, northerners, Westerners, and aid workers. By juxtaposing the literary and the performative, I seek to diversify the kinds of texts we consider and compare in our analysis of the postcolonial. Pairing a novel with performance texts brings into sharp relief the conditions of production and interpretation for each form, also reminding us of the historical context of a form's cultural ascendance. Additionally, the juxtaposition of unpublished manuscripts with an international novel destabilizes the boundary between "elite" and "low" cultures and arrives at a more accurate picture of the heterogeneity and multiplicity of the cultural marketplace in African societies than postcolonial scholarship has heretofore allowed. Finally, the juxtaposition of Season with Kwoto's unpublished manuscripts allows us to probe the resonances across regional, ethnic, and generic difference, and to examine how the "problem of the South" -- or more broadly, the divisions between "North" and "South" in Sudan are negotiated and become visible in different cultural products. I argue in the chapters that follow that kinship becomes one vehicle these texts use to discuss transforming Sudanese identities and that, moreover, kinship as a heuristic moves beyond nation to pave the way for imagining multiple affiliations and communities.

This study attempts to explore the factors that contributed to the rise and fall of military regimes in the Sudan from independence in 1956 to 1989. Further, the study tries to identify the factors that led to the collapse of either or both civilian and military regimes. Most of the studies on military politics have focused their research on either military coups or, more recently, on military withdrawal from politics. This work tries to synthesize the study of military coups and military withdrawal from politics into a single theoretical framework.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of Africa’s longest civil wars ended for the second time in 2005, when the leaders of the government of Sudan and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. This action initiated an interim period which culminated with a referendum for the people of Southern Sudan, to decide if they wanted unity or to secede from the north. Through using theories of power sharing and secession this thesis argues that the Sudanese conflict is not resolved after the referendum in South Sudan. The focus of this thesis is to illustrate how the first peace agreement in 1972 failed to deal with root causes and to implement structures that would be acceptable for that part of the population which did not identify with the central elite. Lessons from this process are integral to understand why the secession does not provide the autonomy and prospects of peace that the South and the negotiators intended. This study will provide a thorough assessment of the process from the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972 to the making of- and contents of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. Although there are many positive aspects to the recent agreement, this study will reveal how the North will keep asserting its dominance through controlling the oil sector and using the unresolved border areas for political gain. In addition, the new structure has changed power structures in both areas, which has left many opposing groups in Sudan in a worse situation than before; thus, the further marginalized people in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile are the real losers in the post-CPA era. As often portrayed, the peace in South Sudan does not only depend on development, but on external influence from the region and especially their relationship with the regime in Khartoum, despite the construction of an autonomous state. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van Afrika se langs durende burgeroorloë het vir die tweede keer geëindig in 2005, toe die regering van Soedan en die Soedanese Burgelikke Vryheidsbeweging en Weermag die Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) onderteken het. Hierdie ooreenkoms was die begin van 'n interim-tydperk wat uitgeloop het op ‘n referendum vir die bevolking van Suid-Soedan, waarin hulle moes besluit of hulle wou afstig van die noorde. Deur gebruik te maak van teorieë op magsdeling en afstigtinglig hierdie tesis die mening dat die Soedanese konflik nie opgelos is na die referendum in Suid-Soedan nie. Die fokus van hierdie tesis was op die illustrering van hoe die eerste vredesooreenkoms van 1972 gevaal het om die sleutel oorsake van die konflik te ondersoek en om strukture in plek te stel vir die gedeeltes van die bevolking wat nie met die sentrale elite geïdentifisee rhet nie. Die lesse van hierdie proses is integraal in die verstaan van hoekom outonomie en vooruitsigte van vrede nie in die Suide kan voortsprui tuit die afstigting van Suid-Sudan soos wat die bedoeling van die onderhandelaars was nie. Hierdie studie sal ‘n deeglikke assesering doen van die proses tussen die Addis Ababa Ooreenkoms van 1972 tot en met die sluit van die Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, asook op die inhoud van hierdie ooreenkoms. Alhoewel die nuwe ooreenkoms baie positiewe aspekte bevat, sal die studie toon hoe die Noorde steeds sy dominansie sal kan handhaaf, vir politieke wins, deur beheer uitteoefen oor die olie sektor en deur onopgeloste grens geskille. Daar benewens het die nuwe struktuur veranderde mag strukture in beide gebiede te weeg gebring wat nou gelei het tot ‘n soms slegter situasie vir oposisie groepe binne Sudan; dus is die verder gemarginaliseerde Darfur streek, die Nuba gebergtes en die Blou Nyl die waare verloorders van die na-CPA era. Soos dikwels uitgebeeld word, sal die vrede in Suid-Soedan nie net afhang van ontwikkeling nie, maar ook van eksterne invloede vanuit die streek en veral van hul verhouding met die Khartoemregime, ten spyte van die konstruksie van 'n outonomestaat.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / Sudan, Africa’s largest country has been plagued by civil war for more than fifty years. The war broke out before independence in 1956 and the last round of talks ended in a peace agreement early in 2005. The war started as a war between two different religions embedded in different cultures. The Islamic government constitutionalised their religious beliefs and imposed them on the whole country. This triggered heavy reaction from the Christian and animist people in the South. They were not willing to adhere to strict marginalising Islamic laws that created cleavages in society. The Anya-Anya was the first rebel group to violently oppose the government and they fought until the Addis Ababa peace accord that was reached in 1972. After the peace agreement there was relative peace before the government went against the peace agreement and again started enforcing their religious laws on the people in the South. This new wave of Islamisation sparked renewed tension between the North and the south that culminated in Dr John Garang and his SPLM/A restarting the conflict with the government in 1982. This war between the SPLA and the government lasted 22 years and only ended at the beginning of 2005. The significance of this second wave in the conflict is that it coincided with the discovery of oil in the South. Since the discovery of oil the whole focus of the war changed and oil became the centre around which the war revolved. Through this research I intend to look at the significance of oil in the conflict. The research question: how religious is Sudan’ Religious war? asks the question whether resources have become more important than religion.

The conflict in Sudan reflects historic hatred and ethnic discrimination between Northern Arab Muslims and Southern African Christians and Animists. The longest and worst conflict began in 1983 and ended in 2005, when African Christians and Animists struggled to form an interim autonomous government. This conflict claimed 2 million lives from both sides and displaced almost 4 million people from the South. This thesis attempts to understand how people from Southern Sudan perceive the root causes and sustaining factors of the Sudanese conflict between Arab Muslims and African Christians. This research looks specifically into the roles of ethnic differences and religion. In this study, 10 emigrants from South Sudan were chosen to present their perceptions and views about the conflict, in the form of written responses to 22 questions. Analysis of their responses in light of conflict resolution literature suggests that the North-South Sudan conflict involves complex issues primarily fueled by ethnic and religious differences. This research reveals that South Sudanese refugees from varying backgrounds and professions expressed similar experiences of racial, religious discrimination and political and economic marginalization, and suggests that Sudan's July, 2011 declaration of independence, creating two separate nations, North and South Sudan, was a positive solution to achieving a just peace.

MAIR / Department of Development Studies

This thesis examines the Egyptian and Sudanese policy of Gladstone's Second Ministry. Sources include microfilms of letters from the prime ministers to the Queen, and Cabinet papers. Essential were Hansard, The Times, and Herslet, as well as biographical and autobiographical studies of the persons involved. The thesis narrates the Egyptian events preceding the formation of Gladstone's Ministry. It then discusses the revolt in Egypt, which resulted in British occupation, and the Mahdi's rebellion in the Sudan, which led to the fall of Khartoum. The thesis concludes that Gladstone failed because he did not want Britain to be in Egypt or the Sudan. Therefore, there was no consistent policy, and his failures were among the elements that led to the fall of his Government.

This thesis expounds the theoretical underpinnings of problem-solving approach to conflict resolution. It also criticizes the traditional state-centric approach to conflict resolution being followed by the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the Sudanese civil war. IGAD was initially known as Inter Governmental Authority on Drought and Desertification (IGADD), but was renamed IGAD in 1996. Its objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict prevention, resolution, and management, and humanitarian affairs. It is stipulated in the thesis that IGAD faces problems that need attention if the Sudanese civil war is to be resolved. A key problem is that while IGAD's objectives were reformulated to give priority to conflict resolution, IGAD's management structure has remained the same. The management structure is state-centric and lacks neutrality, which is a very important ingredient in deep-rooted social conflict resolution. The management structure, which was initially based on combating drought and desertification, was not restructured to conform to the realities of a problem solving approach to conflict resolution. The committee that was formed to look into the Sudanese conflict is composed of states in dispute with Sudan. The other structural problem cited in the thesis is that the IGAD peace process is cumbersome and does not include all aggrieved parties. The meetings involve heads of state, ministers, ambassadors and other government representatives. The peace process is not inclusive of other important players such as other rebel movements. This thesis concludes that: 1. there is a need for peace keeping forces from neutral African Union (AU) member states; 2. conflict resolution specialists are deployed in the region whose main task would be to assist the belligerent groups to reach a common understanding of their problems; 3. the United Nations (UN) acts proactively to create international awareness to the Sudanese problem.

This study deals with modern mission history in north eastern Africa. When the rigid Islamistic Mahdi regime in the Sudan was defeated by an Anglo-Egyptian army in 1898, H G Guinness and K Kumm came to Aswan and initiated the Sudan Pionier Mission (SPM) in 1900. The SPM had its spiritual roots in the Holiness Movement and became an interdenominational German-based faith mission. Although the SPM was started in Aswan to advance from there to the south to evangelize animistic people groups in the Eastern Sudan, the SPM actually consolidated its work in and around Aswan for internal and external reasons. Thus, the focus of the SPM shifted from an animistic to an Islamic audience with a special emphasis on the Nile-Nubians occupying the Nile valley between Aswan and Dongola. This study contributes generally to the historiography of the SPM between 1990 until 1966 and analyzes especially the development of the SPM into a mission among the Nile-Nubians during this period. The ethnic groups of the Nile-Nubians will be introduced and their historical, political, social, economic, linguistic and religious situation will be presented. This thesis further describes the topographical development of the SPM and its missiological approach. A special emphasis is given to the life story of the Kunuuzi Nubian convert Samu’iil Ali Hiseen (SAH-1863-1900) and his multifaceted contribution to the work of the SPM. SAH was the first Nubian evangelist in modern times and the major stakeholder of the Nubian vision. Neither the history of the SPM as “Nubian Mission” nor the life and work of SAH have been researched and presented before. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to provide a critical discussion of the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community since its inception in 2002. Utilising Security Community Theory, and the framework for the study of security communities developed by Adler & Barnett (1998) it commences with an interrogation of the AU. This interrogation is arranged along the three tiers of the framework. The first tier is the precipitating conditions, which cause states to orient themselves in each other’s direction and desire to coordinate their relations. The second tier investigates the factors conducive to the development of mutual trust and collective identity. The third, and final, tier identifies the necessary conditions of dependable expectations of peaceful change. The study goes on and introduces three African case studies, which illustrate the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community. The case studies are the African Union mission in Burundi, the African Union mission in Sudan, and the recent intervention of the African Union in the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire. All three case studies were able to provide ample evidence to illustrate the AU’s contributions. The study concludes with two major findings. Firstly, this study is able to illustrate that the AU has made significant contributions towards the development of peace and security in Africa. Secondly, that the AU has made significant contributions at all three tiers of the framework, and therefore major contributions to the potential development of an African security community. However, the AU is still in its embryonic phase, and any prediction concerning the existence, or potential existence of an African security community would be premature. Even though there are ostensibly, positive developments in the area of continental peace and security this study is able to illustrate several remaining challenges to further contributions by the AU. The first is a lack of resources. The AU is heavily dependent on the contributions of its member states, and a number of members persistently fail to meet their contributions to the organization. A second challenge is the loosely defined relationship with the UN (and other external partners). It is crucial that a constructive relationship be established, if not, differences might antagonise the two organisations and negatively affect any future contributions of the AU towards the development of an African security community. Finally, the role of core states, most notably regional hegemons such as South Africa and Nigeria will remain important for stabilizing and encouraging the further development of an African security community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om n kritiese bespreking te bied van die bydra wat die Afrika Unie na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het sedert sy intrede in 2002. Deur gebruik te maak van Sekuriteits Gemeeenskap Teorie, en die raamwerk vir die studie van sekuriteits gemeenskappe deur Adler & Barnett (1998) begin die studie met n direkte ondersoek van die AU. Hierdie ondersoek vind plaas volgens die drie vlakke van die raamwerk. Die eerste vlak is die kondisies wat veroorsaak dat state hulself na mekaar orienteer, en n wil ontwikkel om hulle sake te koordineer. Die tweede vlak ondersoek die faktore vir die ontwikkeling van wedersydse vertroue en gesamentlike identiteit. Die derde, en finale, vlak identifiseer die nodige kondisies van afhanklike verwagtinge vir vreedsame verandering. Die studie gaan voort met drie Afrika geval studies, wat die bydra van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap illustreer. Die geval studies sluit in die Afrika missie in Burundi, die Afrika missie in Sudan, en die onlangse intervensie deur die AU in die na-eleksie krisis in Côte d'Ivoire. Al drie geval studies verskaf wye getuienis wat die bydra van die AU illustreer. Die studie sluit af met twee hoof bevindings. Eerstens, kon hierdie studie illustreer dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes na die ontwikkeling van vrede en sekuriteit in Afrika gemaak het. Tweedens, dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes op al drie vlakke van die raamwerk gemaak het, en daarom ook mondige bydraes tot die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het. Nogtans, is die AU self nog in n onvolwasse stadium, en enige voorspelling in verband met die bestaan, of oor die potensiele bestaan van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap is voortydig. Al is daar opmerkilike positiewe ontwikkelinge in die area van kontinentale vrede en sekuriteit, kan hierdie studie steeds verskeie uitdagings identifiseer wat verdere bydraes deur die AU kan hinder. Die eerste uitdaging is n tekort aan bevondsing. Die AU is hoogs afhanklik op die bydrae van sy lidmaat state, maar n paar lede mis aanhoudend hulle bydraes tot die orginasasie. n Tweede uitdaging is die ongedefineerde verhouding tussen die AU en die VN (en ander eksterne vennote). Dit is belangrik dat n konstruktiewe verhouding in werk gestel word, indien nie, kan verskille die twee organisasies van mekaar dryf en enige toekomstige bydraes van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits kompleks negatief beinvloed. Laastens, sal die rol van kern state, mees aanmerklik streek leiers soos Suid Afrika en Nigerie, belangrik bly om die sekuriteits kompleks te stabiliseer en verdere ontwikkeling in die toekoms te bevorder.