Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of African Languages at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2005. / Lomsebenti ucwaninga ngekubaluleka kwetangoma nemisebenti yato ekutfutfukiseni lulwimi IwesiSwati. Kulapho kuvela khona kutsi buyini bungoma tutsi bubaluleke ngani emphilweni yesive ngekwemisebenti nangekwelulwimi. Sehlukosekucala setfula tinhloso telucwaningo, indzima noma umkhawulo welucwaningo, tindlela tekucwaninga letiluhlolomibuto (interview) nekufundvwa kwetincwadzi. Imigudvu yelucwaningo i1andzela indlela yemisebenti (Functional approach) nendlela yeluchumano (Communicative approach). Kulapho kuchazwe khona lokushiwo ngemagama lasisekelo salolucwaningo latana nalawa: sangoma, inyanga, lldloti, lugedla, kutfwasa/litfwasa nendumba. 5ehluko sesibili siniketa inchazelo ngalokuphatselene netangoma kusukela ekutfwaseni, timphawu tekutfwasa, kubhoboka kwelidloti, tinhlola, sangoma nebuhlobo, sangoma nemabitongco kanye nemabitomuntfu, sangoma naleminye imikhakha yemphilo, sangoma netinanatelo, sangoma nesitsembu, umtsakatsi, umtembi, sangoma nenhlonipho. Sehluko sesitsatfu setfula tingcikitsi letehlukene tetingoma tetangoma letihlelwe ngalendlela: A. Kufundzisa, kukhutsata nekumisa sibindzi. B. Kubalisa, umbusave nesimo senhlalo. -ivC. Lutsandvo, bunye nelubumbano. D. lnkholo, inkholelo nemlandvo. E. Emandla, inkhani nelunakashelo. Emasu ekwakheka kwetingoma letehlukene acwaningiwe. Sehluko sesine sicwaninga ngetangoma, tihlahla netifo. Kubukwe imitsi leyakhiwe ngetilwane tasendle, ngetilwane tasekhaya, tinyoni netimila letehlukene. Lapha kutsintfwenetinhlobo tetifo letimbalwa letelaphekako nembulalave loseseyinkinga lenkhulu kubelaphi. Sehluko sesihlanu siligcogca Iwalokucwaningiwe. Kulapho kuniketwe tincomo ngekubuka kuhleleka kwelucwaningo, tingoma nelulwimL imitsi nelulwimi kanye netifo nelulwimi. -

Submitted in fulfillment for the Degree Master of Arts in the Department of African Languages at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2006. / Lolu lucwaningo lolumayelana nekulahleka kwemasiko nemihambo yemaSwati. Luhleleke ngetehluko. Lolucwaningo lugcile kakhulu emaSwatini aseNingizimu Afrika luye luyewuphelela kaNgwane eSwatini. Sehluko I, sichaza lucwaningo kutsi lumayelana nekulahleka kwemasiko esiveni semaSwati, Sivete kubaluleka kwemasiko esiveni. Siveta tinhloso telucwaningo, tindlela telucwaningo, kubaluleka kwelucwaningo, nemkhawulo lucwaningo, sigcine ngekuvuselelwa kwesimilo. Sehluko 2, sichaza imphilo yemaSwati ngembi kwekufika kwebadzeshi. Siveta umlandvo wemaSwati aseNtalasifali, simonhlalo nekudla kWemaSwati. Siphindze sivete, umuti, kufa kwemnumzane ekhaya nemisimeto lechutjwako nakufiwe. Kubuywe kwachazwa imisebenti yemaSwati ngebulili nangekwehlukana kwetigaba . Sehluko 3, Sichaza ngekubaluleka kwemphilo nemikhosi lemikhulu yesive. Siveta kubaluleka kwekutimbandzakanya nalemikhosi, kanye nemvunulo yemaSwati. Sehluko 4, Sibuka tinkholelo temaSwati nalokunye lokubukeka kuligugu esiveni semaSwati. Sehluko 5, Siveta sikhatsi semphucuko esiveni semaSwati. Sitsintsa tintfo letehlukene letiyinkhomba yekulahleka kwemasiko nemihambo yesintfu. Sehluko 6, Sibutselandzawonye konkhe lokntsintfwe lucwaningo. Siphindze sivete nalokntfolakele ngesikhatsi selucwaningo kanye netincomo.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-107) / This study explored the role played by Siswati folktales in building the character of boys. It included how boys are depicted in folktales and how this depiction influences boys in real life. The study further investigated the correlation between traditional and modern boys and tried to uncover the value of folktales regarding the boys of today. The way boys are portrayed in folktales, their heroism in fighting and conquering monsters, could encourage present-day boys to fight the monsters that they come across daily. Based on the application of the lessons from folktales, the study examined how societal changes affect boys today. / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)

This research work has several aims, demanded by a number of external and internal factors. First of all, it aims to identify Lala: whether it is simply a dialect of Tekela- Nguni, or perhaps the substratum Bantu language spoken in the eastern parts of Southern Africa since the fourth century of the first millennium A.D. on which every new migratory wave imposed its language (chapters one and two). The lexical-statistical method has been attempted (chapter three), but with mixed results. In fact, relexification is widely used in southern African societies, and this renders the identification of the core vocabulary a very difficult task. The result is that all that can be said is that Lala indeed shows the characteristics of a Tekela-Nguni language, but it is impossible to determine at this stage whether Lala is the mother or the daughter of Tekela. Another important aim, dictated by an earlier research by Wilkes (1981 ), was to compare the two main branches of Lala, called North and South Lala, to prove whether the differences between the two dialects are so wide as to justify a division into two separate entities or not. Here the verdict is emphatically negative. In fact the various stages of the research abundantly re-affirm the view that Lala is one language, with only marginal differences caused by the different linguistic environments: Zulu in the north and IsiZansi in the south. African societies in this part of the world have affirmed themselves in the realm of the written word only recently, i.e. during the last 150 years or so. The background culture of these societies is still vigorously oral, and this means that the spoken word is used for much more than simple communication of thought and feeling. Language is felt as the major binding element in a society that has seen constant political break-ups, upheavals, migrations, wars, attempted exterminations. This means that Lala, as a language or the dominant dialect of a group, is banded about as a cultural-historical flag around which people are proud to gather. This sense of unity is an emotion, a feeling, rather than a deep reality. The colours of the flag, or the distinguishing elements of the language, may be fading away, and only a core might be preserved. But this is quite enough to kindle emotions and to rally people. At least in areas where people are still proud of their cultural heritage. hnicity and language should not be the same, but most of the people interviewed (cf chapter two) felt very strongly that they were Lalas because they spoke Lala; and that they spoke Lala because they are Lalas. Their either glorious or sad histories are recorded in chapter two to demonstrate how Shaka's wars, and the Mfecane, forced them to leave their homeland and to migrate. The trauma of this latest migration is still felt so strongly that it is often superimposed and confused with the great migrations from Central and Western Africa that took place in mythological times, or very long ago. But through their histories, they keep alive their memories and the certainty of the unity of the Lala nation, even though it is now spread from Kranskop to Harding and IZingolweni. Chapter four examines the phonetics and phonology of the two Lala dialects in the context of Swati and Zulu. Lala is a Tekela dialect indeed, but with its own phonetic and phonological peculiarities. The same can be said with regard to the research exposed in chapter five, on the morphology of Lala compared to Swati and Zulu. The grammatical system among the three languages is extremely similar, and there is hardly any substantial difference between North and South Lala. This can also be said with regard to tonology (chapter six) The last chapter reflects on what has been achieved. The ancient Lala language, about which James Stuart stated in the 1920's that it was nearly extinct, is proving very strong and resilient. Possibly the very dynamism experienced in its ability to adapt to the colonial languages and the new material culture by assimilating many foreign lexical items, and that South Lala has adopted many words from IsiZansi, is proof that Lala has got a life of its own that cannot be taken for granted, nor extinguished. The more one is able to study the local languages, the more one dusts up some ancient treasure that needs to be admired and constantly re-valued. The functional word here is 'treasure': because all languages, as carriers of culture, are a treasure that together form the mosaic of our beautiful "Rainbow Nation". / African Languages / D.Litt et Phil.

Cotemporary museum theory calls for dialogue as a means of making museums multi-­‐ vocal and representative of larger audiences. Dialogue is seen to be a break with prior modernist practices and epistemology. However, in most cases what is meant by dialogue and how to implement it is not made clear. I proposed using the Community of Enquiry Approach to dialogue in the development of the Travelling Museum. The Travelling Museum is a community museum based at ‘The Centre’ on the land of the Swazi chief in Emjindini. I was concerned that labelling the community and associating the museum with the chief could perpetuate essentialised ideas of what it meant to be Swazi. I was also conscious of not wanting to be the ‘outsider expert’ and for the museum to be developed by the community it was intended for. It was for these reasons that I decided to employ the ideas of dialogue. While implementing dialogue through the Community of Enquiry, I started to question whether this method of dialogue could become normative, and whether it excluded or silenced certain members. I wanted to locate this approach to dialogue on a larger theoretical base, in order to understand how dialogue challenges and departs from modernism and moves into postmodernism. In order to do this in the Report I explore postmodern and modern theories of knowledge and difference. My research method is to use critical incidents. These are moments of noticing or jarring in my practice, which when interpreted allow me to interrogate theory and practice. The first incident questions my openness to the other where I raise concerns of relativism. The second and third incidents address issues of power and access in museums. I conclude by recommending a new role for the museum. No longer in a role of cultural authority, museums can take on the new role of artist. As an artist the museum can be multi-­‐partial and act as social commentator, provocateur and catalyst for change (Gogan, 2005, p.60 ).

This research work has several aims, demanded by a number of external and internal factors. First of all, it aims to identify Lala: whether it is simply a dialect of Tekela- Nguni, or perhaps the substratum Bantu language spoken in the eastern parts of Southern Africa since the fourth century of the first millennium A.D. on which every new migratory wave imposed its language (chapters one and two). The lexical-statistical method has been attempted (chapter three), but with mixed results. In fact, relexification is widely used in southern African societies, and this renders the identification of the core vocabulary a very difficult task. The result is that all that can be said is that Lala indeed shows the characteristics of a Tekela-Nguni language, but it is impossible to determine at this stage whether Lala is the mother or the daughter of Tekela. Another important aim, dictated by an earlier research by Wilkes (1981 ), was to compare the two main branches of Lala, called North and South Lala, to prove whether the differences between the two dialects are so wide as to justify a division into two separate entities or not. Here the verdict is emphatically negative. In fact the various stages of the research abundantly re-affirm the view that Lala is one language, with only marginal differences caused by the different linguistic environments: Zulu in the north and IsiZansi in the south. African societies in this part of the world have affirmed themselves in the realm of the written word only recently, i.e. during the last 150 years or so. The background culture of these societies is still vigorously oral, and this means that the spoken word is used for much more than simple communication of thought and feeling. Language is felt as the major binding element in a society that has seen constant political break-ups, upheavals, migrations, wars, attempted exterminations. This means that Lala, as a language or the dominant dialect of a group, is banded about as a cultural-historical flag around which people are proud to gather. This sense of unity is an emotion, a feeling, rather than a deep reality. The colours of the flag, or the distinguishing elements of the language, may be fading away, and only a core might be preserved. But this is quite enough to kindle emotions and to rally people. At least in areas where people are still proud of their cultural heritage. hnicity and language should not be the same, but most of the people interviewed (cf chapter two) felt very strongly that they were Lalas because they spoke Lala; and that they spoke Lala because they are Lalas. Their either glorious or sad histories are recorded in chapter two to demonstrate how Shaka's wars, and the Mfecane, forced them to leave their homeland and to migrate. The trauma of this latest migration is still felt so strongly that it is often superimposed and confused with the great migrations from Central and Western Africa that took place in mythological times, or very long ago. But through their histories, they keep alive their memories and the certainty of the unity of the Lala nation, even though it is now spread from Kranskop to Harding and IZingolweni. Chapter four examines the phonetics and phonology of the two Lala dialects in the context of Swati and Zulu. Lala is a Tekela dialect indeed, but with its own phonetic and phonological peculiarities. The same can be said with regard to the research exposed in chapter five, on the morphology of Lala compared to Swati and Zulu. The grammatical system among the three languages is extremely similar, and there is hardly any substantial difference between North and South Lala. This can also be said with regard to tonology (chapter six) The last chapter reflects on what has been achieved. The ancient Lala language, about which James Stuart stated in the 1920's that it was nearly extinct, is proving very strong and resilient. Possibly the very dynamism experienced in its ability to adapt to the colonial languages and the new material culture by assimilating many foreign lexical items, and that South Lala has adopted many words from IsiZansi, is proof that Lala has got a life of its own that cannot be taken for granted, nor extinguished. The more one is able to study the local languages, the more one dusts up some ancient treasure that needs to be admired and constantly re-valued. The functional word here is 'treasure': because all languages, as carriers of culture, are a treasure that together form the mosaic of our beautiful "Rainbow Nation". / African Languages / D.Litt et Phil.

This dissertation aims to critically evaluate the Incwala Sacred Ceremony and its relevancy to Ancestral Veneration in the life of the Swazi Nation. Swazis to a greater extent are believed to be quite obsessed about their cultural heritage. They view this cultural event as sacred and very important in their national unity and pride of being a sovereign entity. They religiously observe this rite as an integral part of their cultural heritage and see it as a vital glue that holds together the national unity and cements the eternity of the Swazis' existence. Celebrating and commemorating this sacred festival can be equated to what Christians do when celebrating and observing Good Friday or Holy Easter. It could also be related to the Islamic Pilgrimage to Mecca. Swazis are strongly connected to their Ancestral Veneration. It is inculcated in their core system of beliefs and is part of their lives because it tends to shape their religious view, as well as moulding it. The Supreme God (Mvelinchanti) is believed to have spoken to the founding fathers of the nation about how the nation ought to conduct its affairs (in different forms through visions and dreams). Hence there is a deeply held view that the departed kings and the forefathers are believed to be alive and closer to that very Supreme God. According to this long held view the dead are asleep and are continually involved in directing the affairs of the nation. Indeed they decide on blessings, health and life of the living. It is embedded in the subconscious mind of Swazis that the living dead (emadloti, labaphasi or labalele) continually influence the affairs of the nation and any given family; hence they need to be consulted from time to time. Emadloti are the mediators between human beings and God and they can be contacted through the spiritual mediums. The national elders and advisors to the Monarchy,1 as well as traditional medicine persons (muti) people (Tinyanga and Tangoma), are there as custodians of the Incwala Ceremony. In any given family, emadloti (ancestors) are consulted in times of marriages, new births and any other eventualities that may befall that family. In the life and worldview of Swazis, nothing just happens without any involvement and sanction of the ancestors. In fact, for anything to happen in the life of a Swazi, there must be a supernatural cause or reason, hence in the very core of foundational beliefs there are involvements of the supernatural powers and the forces believed to be operational. / Practical Theology / M.Th. (Specialization in Urban Ministry)

This dissertation aims to critically evaluate the Incwala Sacred Ceremony and its relevancy to Ancestral Veneration in the life of the Swazi Nation. Swazis to a greater extent are believed to be quite obsessed about their cultural heritage. They view this cultural event as sacred and very important in their national unity and pride of being a sovereign entity. They religiously observe this rite as an integral part of their cultural heritage and see it as a vital glue that holds together the national unity and cements the eternity of the Swazis' existence. Celebrating and commemorating this sacred festival can be equated to what Christians do when celebrating and observing Good Friday or Holy Easter. It could also be related to the Islamic Pilgrimage to Mecca. Swazis are strongly connected to their Ancestral Veneration. It is inculcated in their core system of beliefs and is part of their lives because it tends to shape their religious view, as well as moulding it. The Supreme God (Mvelinchanti) is believed to have spoken to the founding fathers of the nation about how the nation ought to conduct its affairs (in different forms through visions and dreams). Hence there is a deeply held view that the departed kings and the forefathers are believed to be alive and closer to that very Supreme God. According to this long held view the dead are asleep and are continually involved in directing the affairs of the nation. Indeed they decide on blessings, health and life of the living. It is embedded in the subconscious mind of Swazis that the living dead (emadloti, labaphasi or labalele) continually influence the affairs of the nation and any given family; hence they need to be consulted from time to time. Emadloti are the mediators between human beings and God and they can be contacted through the spiritual mediums. The national elders and advisors to the Monarchy,1 as well as traditional medicine persons (muti) people (Tinyanga and Tangoma), are there as custodians of the Incwala Ceremony. In any given family, emadloti (ancestors) are consulted in times of marriages, new births and any other eventualities that may befall that family. In the life and worldview of Swazis, nothing just happens without any involvement and sanction of the ancestors. In fact, for anything to happen in the life of a Swazi, there must be a supernatural cause or reason, hence in the very core of foundational beliefs there are involvements of the supernatural powers and the forces believed to be operational. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M.Th. (Specialization in Urban Ministry)

Owing to changes brought by modernisation, folktales and other folklore genres are often looked down upon, and thought by many to be outdated. The aim of this study is to explore manipulative behaviour in Siswati folktales. The study glanced at how manipulation is used in folktales, i.e. the causes and key strategies used by manipulators to manipulate their victims. The focus was on the conformism of manipulation in folktales, to current practice of manipulation in different social institutions, implication of manipulation, and how manipulation could be controlled. The researcher used the qualitative research method to collect and analyse data. To achieve the objectives of the study, data was collected from 28 folktale books that were purposefully selected for the purpose of providing information to answer the research questions. All data collected was analysed using ’Neuman’s (2000) Analytic Approach whereby the Method of Agreement and the Method of Difference was utilised. Data was categorised into different themes teased from the folktales for analysis. Based on the findings of the research, it is evident that manipulation prevails in Siswati folktales. Different characters are being manipulated in different settings using different strategies and tools. The powerful manipulate the less powerful, the intelligent manipulate the less gifted, and the rich manipulate the poor, while the knowledgeable manipulate the ignorant. The research findings relate very well with the current manipulative behaviour practiced by different social institutions and almost every individual and society is affected. Furthermore, the research reveals that manipulation can be curbed if current victims of manipulation decide to expose manipulative acts and join forces to fight the manipulator. In this case, it is recommended that different stakeholders from various departments join forces to fight manipulative tendencies that prevail in different institutions and society as a whole. The present study may revitalize the urge and the need to reconsider the study of folktales, since their themes remain the same. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (Languages, Linguistics and Literature)

The thesis covers the branches of law known as Constitutional law and Customary law. It focuses on the powers of the Swazi monarch, which are based on a combination of the received Western law and Swazi custom. For the purposes of this study, therefore, Swazi law and custom shall be taken to include both the statutory law and the yet unwritten customary law. Swaziland is black Africa's only remaining traditional monarchy, ruled as it is by the Ngwenyama, an indigenous institution, whose origin is derived from custom. The resilience of this ancient system of government in a continent where modernisation and constitutional democracy among other factors have led to its extinction is phenomenal, particularly because some commentators have described traditionalism in modern Africa as an "embarrassing anachronism.' In Swaziland the monarchy continues to be a vibrant system and the nation is currently engaged in a process of not only codifying the customary law but also of drafting the constitution of the country. One of the key areas of concern is the question of the distribution of power between the monarch and the people under the proposed constitution. Traditionalists are of the view that the powers that the King currently exercises should remain intact as they are a reflection of the Swazi law and custom. Progressives, on the other hand, are of the view that the current position makes the King an absolute monarch and are thus proposing a change from an absolute to a constitutional monarch. In other words they want some kind of checks and balances in the envisaged system of government. The study will show that the constitutional evolution of Swaziland and the exigencies of synthesising modern and traditional systems of governance have over the years obscured the true nature of the powers of the monarch in terms of Swazi custom. Thus before we can consider whether the future of the monarchy in Swaziland depends on the harmonisation of modern and traditional systems of governance, it is necessary to revisit the past to determine the powers of the monarch in their embryonic form, for it is from this period that we can extrapolate the powers of the Ngwenyama in terms of Swazi custom. The thesis has been arranged as follows: The first chapter will review the precolonial political system of Swaziland with a view to establishing whether monarchical authority was founded on command or consensus. The various theories, which seek to explain the foundations of the monarchical system of government, will be outlined. The second chapter will focus on European influence on the Swazi traditional system of government. The third chapter will be an analysis of the powers of the monarch under the 1968 independence constitution. The fourth chapter will focus on the effect of the repeal of the 1968 independence constitution by the Monarch. The fifth chapter will focus on the constitutional reforms under the reign of king Mswati III. The sixth and last chapter focus on proposals for reform. The research method used was in the main, an analysis of relevant legal principles as contained in textbooks, legislation, journals, the scant case law that is available in this area of the law and other relevant materials. A comparative survey of ancient African kingdoms will be done, with emphasis on those Kingdoms, which later became British colonial possessions. It is hoped that this comparative analysis will help explain the evolution of these traditional structures alongside modern governmental institutions.