This paper examines the broader relationship between the United States and Russia since the end of the Cold War. In recent years, relations between the U.S. and Russia have seriously deteriorated. This thesis lists the four most important contributing factors: ineffective reforms of the 1990s, NATO’s continued expansion, escalation in Ukraine, and the failure to jointly address the Syrian conflict. It argues that one major consequence of the strained relationship is a stronger Russia-China partnership. If Washington continues to ignore Russia’s security and economic interests, relations are likely to further decline, harming U.S. objectives in the long term. In order to improve relations, this thesis recommends that the U.S. transform its existing NATO policy, reverse sanctions, and reorient U.S. foreign policy to focus less on Russia’s non-democratic system of government and more on geopolitical issues, such as coordinating measures with Moscow to stabilize Syria.

This study investigates the discursive ways in which the Syrian war and the Syrian refugees are being portrayed in the American news media. It was conducted by combining the method Corpus Linguistics with the concepts of Critical Discourse Analysis. The data for this research consists of a virtual sub-corpus created from the NOW (News on the Web) corpus, hosted by English-Corpora. The virtual corpus contains all the data from the NOW corpus with the word SYRIA* in the title and the words SYRIA* and REFUGEE* weref urther investigated by the use of concordance, collocate and KWIC tools. The results for SYRIA* showed that the Syrian war was not the prime focus for media coverage and were therefore underrepresented. The collocations around REFUGEE* demonstrated that the conceptual metaphor REFUGEES ARE WATER, and by extension, REFUGEES ARE A DISASTER, were mapped onto the Syrian refugees. Consequently, the nuisance and inconvenience of the refugees was emphasised and represented them negatively.

In times of war, help and support is provided by NGO:s, and this essay investigates the NGO:s strategies for seeking support in times of war and crisis. Previous research has shown that refugees are portrayed differently in the media depending on their background. It is necessary for NGO:s to write about the affected people, in order to inform about their work carried out on-site to spread knowledge, create credibility and receive support through funding. A complex marketing which alludes to the people in need. Therefore, this analysis looks at how NGOs present themselves and the war situations with the intention of convincing their audience to donate money. With a qualitative rhetorical analysis combined with semiotic tools, the paper analyzes two pages, one about the Syrian war and one about the Ukrainian war found on two of Sweden’s biggest NGO:s, the Red Cross and Doctor Without Borders websites. The analysis shows how refugees from the Ukrainian war were presented as individual beings and personalized, compared to the Syrian war in which refugees were presented in groups with no personal traits. Doctor Without Borders also focused more on their medical action rather than on the actual war.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo estudar o discurso político americano do período inicial da guerra na Síria, visto pela perspectiva do jornal The New York Times. A partir de uma abordagem discursiva baseada principalmente em Foucault (1971), procuramos compreender de que forma a narração da guerra no jornal é constituída por valores culturais americanos que se transformam em uma episteme de compreensão do mundo, dos homens e da realidade. Propomos um olhar para o corpus de análise que permita observar, primeiramente, como o sujeito que tem o direito à fala vai se constituindo e construindo seus objetos: a guerra e o inimigo. Em um segundo momento, baseado nas teorias sobre Império desenvolvidas por Hardt e Negri (2001) e nos estudos de Said (1993, 1999) sobre Orientalismo, observamos como o discurso sobre a guerra da Síria se constitui com base em um projeto ideológico expansionista americano, que se desenvolveu desde a constituição e consolidação da nação e que se encontra para além das fronteiras geográficas. Por fim, concentramos nossa análise no papel da mídia como produtora de um material simbólico, que, ao dar inteligibilidade à guerra, entra em consonância com o espírito americano, fortalecendo-o. Ao transitar entre dois mundos culturais diferentes, o americano e o sírio, a mídia estabelece dois lugares: o do eu e o do outro. Conflitos emergem desse contraste, ora em uma relação de subjugação do outro, colocando-o em posição de inferioridade, ora em uma espécie de ameaça à imagem americana. Concluímos que, ao observar a guerra por uma perspectiva americana, o jornal The New York Times, por refletir um projeto hegemônico em plena expansão, transforma-se, em certa medida, em um agente dessa ação. Acreditamos que reconhecer as estruturas discursivas constituintes desse discurso é posicionar-se criticamente com relação ao que é produzido pela mídia. / This thesis aims at studying the American discourse in the beginning of the Syrian war as seen by the perspective of The New York Times coverage. In a discursive approach, based mainly on Foucaults theories (1971), we focus on analyzing how the newspapers narrative of the war, which comprises American cultural values, builds itself as a kind of episteme that shapes the understanding of the world, men, and reality. We first propose a way of looking into our analytical corpus that allows for an observation of how the subject that is given the right to speak constitutes himself and his objects, namely the war and the enemy. Secondly, in accordance with theories developed by Hardt and Negri (2001) as well as Said (1993,1999), we intend to observe how the discourse about the Syrian war is constructed based on an ideological and expansionist American project, which has been shaped since the onset of colonization and it is far beyond the nations geographical borders. Lastly, we concentrate the analysis on the media as a producer of symbolic material which, in an attempt to give intelligibility to the war, tunes in with ideals that strengthen the American spirit. As the newspaper goes back and forth into the two different cultural worlds of America and Syria, the media establishes two distinct locations: one of the I and one of the other. Conflicts, as a consequence, emerge from this contrast, sometimes in a relation of subjugation of the other by depicting it as inferior, other times as a threat to the American image. We conclude that, by observing the war through an American perspective, the New York Times not only reflects a hegemonic project in full expansion but also functions to a certain extent as an agent of this process. We believe that to recognize the discursive structures present in this discourse is to engage critically in the observation and interpretation of what is produced by the media.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo estudar o discurso político americano do período inicial da guerra na Síria, visto pela perspectiva do jornal The New York Times. A partir de uma abordagem discursiva baseada principalmente em Foucault (1971), procuramos compreender de que forma a narração da guerra no jornal é constituída por valores culturais americanos que se transformam em uma episteme de compreensão do mundo, dos homens e da realidade. Propomos um olhar para o corpus de análise que permita observar, primeiramente, como o sujeito que tem o direito à fala vai se constituindo e construindo seus objetos: a guerra e o inimigo. Em um segundo momento, baseado nas teorias sobre Império desenvolvidas por Hardt e Negri (2001) e nos estudos de Said (1993, 1999) sobre Orientalismo, observamos como o discurso sobre a guerra da Síria se constitui com base em um projeto ideológico expansionista americano, que se desenvolveu desde a constituição e consolidação da nação e que se encontra para além das fronteiras geográficas. Por fim, concentramos nossa análise no papel da mídia como produtora de um material simbólico, que, ao dar inteligibilidade à guerra, entra em consonância com o espírito americano, fortalecendo-o. Ao transitar entre dois mundos culturais diferentes, o americano e o sírio, a mídia estabelece dois lugares: o do eu e o do outro. Conflitos emergem desse contraste, ora em uma relação de subjugação do outro, colocando-o em posição de inferioridade, ora em uma espécie de ameaça à imagem americana. Concluímos que, ao observar a guerra por uma perspectiva americana, o jornal The New York Times, por refletir um projeto hegemônico em plena expansão, transforma-se, em certa medida, em um agente dessa ação. Acreditamos que reconhecer as estruturas discursivas constituintes desse discurso é posicionar-se criticamente com relação ao que é produzido pela mídia. / This thesis aims at studying the American discourse in the beginning of the Syrian war as seen by the perspective of The New York Times coverage. In a discursive approach, based mainly on Foucaults theories (1971), we focus on analyzing how the newspapers narrative of the war, which comprises American cultural values, builds itself as a kind of episteme that shapes the understanding of the world, men, and reality. We first propose a way of looking into our analytical corpus that allows for an observation of how the subject that is given the right to speak constitutes himself and his objects, namely the war and the enemy. Secondly, in accordance with theories developed by Hardt and Negri (2001) as well as Said (1993,1999), we intend to observe how the discourse about the Syrian war is constructed based on an ideological and expansionist American project, which has been shaped since the onset of colonization and it is far beyond the nations geographical borders. Lastly, we concentrate the analysis on the media as a producer of symbolic material which, in an attempt to give intelligibility to the war, tunes in with ideals that strengthen the American spirit. As the newspaper goes back and forth into the two different cultural worlds of America and Syria, the media establishes two distinct locations: one of the I and one of the other. Conflicts, as a consequence, emerge from this contrast, sometimes in a relation of subjugation of the other by depicting it as inferior, other times as a threat to the American image. We conclude that, by observing the war through an American perspective, the New York Times not only reflects a hegemonic project in full expansion but also functions to a certain extent as an agent of this process. We believe that to recognize the discursive structures present in this discourse is to engage critically in the observation and interpretation of what is produced by the media.

This thesis examines the study of images in International Relations (IR). Even though images play an important role in global politics, images have received little attention by IR scholars. In this thesis I aim to answer how images can be studied. I conduct two analyses, which I call ‘single image analysis’, and ‘multiple images analysis’ to answer the research question of ‘how did images of children in the Syrian war shape global political narratives and identities´. I argue that images of children in the Syrian war though their emotional value (re)produced as Syrian identity of ‘misery’, ‘chaos’, and ‘hopelessness’. And images (re)produced narratives of who is ‘good’ and ‘bad’. Two analyses are conducted to discuss the different ways images can be analysed. I argue that single image analysis and the multiple images analysis have their own strengths and weaknesses and applicable in different cases. Also, I argue further theoretical and methodological discussions on how to study images would benefit IR as a whole.

Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis five years ago Syria, its neighbouring countries as well as the western world have been affected by the tremendous casualties brought about by the war. The thesis examines various forms and scale of these casualties, namely the economic, social, political and environmental implications. In its first part the thesis identifies true reasons and motives behind the Syrian crisis so that one can understand actions taken by involved actors. Subsequent to it is a detailed presentation of data on economic and social consequences of the Syrian war. Having all the crucial information on table the third chapter attempts to answer a hypothesis that Syria despite the still ongoing bloody conflict holds big potential for dynamic and long-term economic growth. The thesis could be useful for those seeking independent perspective on the crisis as well as for those who are looking for entrepreneurial opportunities in the after-war Syria.

Submitted by Willian Moraes Roberto (willianmroberto@gmail.com) on 2018-06-10T18:38:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2018 ROBERTO - AS MUDANÇAS NA POLÍTICA EXTERNA CONTEMPORÂNEA DA TURQUIA.pdf: 1635390 bytes, checksum: 164fd22530d74e85157deb0ed1fc5244 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-06-11T15:08:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 roberto_wm_me_mar.pdf: 1635390 bytes, checksum: 164fd22530d74e85157deb0ed1fc5244 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-11T15:08:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 roberto_wm_me_mar.pdf: 1635390 bytes, checksum: 164fd22530d74e85157deb0ed1fc5244 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além disso, apontaremos que, em 2011, o governo turco passou a ter uma política externa mais assertiva, objetivando colocar o país como uma espécie de liderança regional usando-se de seu modelo político. Por fim, demonstraremos que, com o passar do tempo e a radicalização da guerra na Síria, em 2015 novamente a Turquia modificou sua política externa, também devido a novos choques externos, quais sejam a autonomia curda na Síria e o surgimento do Estado Islâmico. Desde então, em um cenário de maior constrangimento e limitações externas, o governo turco passaria a enfatizar questões securitárias, priorizando problemas advindos da Síria, sobretudo aqueles ligados à questão curda. / Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turkish government adopted a more assertive foreign policy, which aimed to place the country as a new regional leader through an emphasis on its political model. Finally, we will demonstrate that, over time, due to the radicalization of the Syrian war, Turkey again changed its foreign policy in 2015, also due to new external shocks, namely the achievement of Kurdish autonomy in Syria and the rise of the Islamic State. Since then, in a scenario of greater external constraints, the Turkish government would start to pay more attention to security issues, prioritizing problems arising from Syria, especially those related to the Kurdish issue.

Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Resumo: A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além di... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turki... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

This thesis studies how securitization differs between the war in Ukraine and the war in Syria. It does so by comparing conclusions, statements and speeches published by the European Council in order to understand the perceived differences in crisis management according to their initial reactions. The aim is thus to compare the two crises to understand the European Union's different crisis management. Furthermore, this study uses a discursive analysis to investigate the European Council's reactions through securitization theory, which identifies how a political issue becomes a security threat. The findings suggest that the two crises illustrate different perceptions of the security threat and what to protect, highlighted in the diverse management. In turn, this means that the crises have been securitized differently, and the results have contributed to providing an explanation of the different management and understanding of the crises. Future research is encouraged regarding the effects of securitization and further exploring how the cases' differences affect the results to understand the two crises better.