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Morphotactics in Affix Ordering: Typology and TheoryPopp, Marie-Luise 18 July 2022 (has links)
This dissertation discusses the empirical distribution and systematicity of morphotactic
rules on the relative order of verbal affixes. In the literature, the exact role of
morphology and its interaction with other factors affecting affix order is still under
debate. More specifically, syntactic (Baker 1985, 1988) and semantic approaches
(Muysken 1986, Rice 2000, Stiebels 2003) to affix order assume that some underlying
grammatical structure, the syntactic derivation or the semantic composition, is
mapped transparently onto the surface, such that the relative order of affixes on
the surface matches the underlying order of the elements. However, phenomena
like nontransitive affix order or templatic morphology suggest that morphological
rules may overwrite the surface order provided by syntax or semantics. In this
dissertation, I examine exactly these phenomena to investigate the empirical scope of
these morphological rules. I demonstrate that there are crosslinguistically stable, systematic
rules of morphology, which are in direct competition with rules of syntactic
or semantic transparency. Concretely, I conclude that there is a morphological rule
that requires the realization of causatives in proximity of the verb root.
The role and systematicity of morphotactics in affix order is highly relevant for
linguistic theory: if seemingly arbitrary rules influence affix order without any restriction,
it is impossible to build restrictive theories. Thus, uncovering the crosslinguistic
patterns of morphological rules help to build empirically adequate, restrictive theories
about affix order.
Furthermore, I demonstrate that the interaction of affix order with phonology suggests
a cyclic model of the morpho-phonology interface. More specifically, I assume
that phonology has temporarily limited access to morphological structure, thus deriving
well-attested cases of phonologically conditioned affix order. To model the
competition between rules of morphology on the one hand and rules of syntax and
semantics on the other hand, I suggest a concrete mechanism that translates the underlying
semantic composition into a restricted set of constraints. Consequently, the
simultaneous interaction between these constraints implementing transparency requirements
and morphotactic constraints derives the variety of transparency patterns
found in combinations of valency markers.
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Deverbal Nouns in Modern Hebrew: Between Grammar and CompetitionAhdout, Odelia 19 September 2022 (has links)
Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit den morphosyntaktischen und derivationellen Eigenschaften von Nominalisierungen im modernen Hebräisch und ihrer strukturelle Repräsentation. Eine zentrale Fragestellung im Rahmen von ‚hybriden‘ Wortbildungen wie Nominalisierungen ist die Ähnlichkeit bzw. die Unähnlichkeit zu den ihr zugrundeliegenden Verben. Unter Heranziehung des Hebräischen, einer Sprache mit reicher morphologischer Markierung, sowohl bei Verben als auch bei Nominalisierungen, werden mehrere Divergenzen zwischen Verben und entsprechenden Nominalisierungen im Bereich der Argument- und Ereignisstruktur eliminiert. Ausgehend von der einflussreichen These der Gleichsetzung von Nominalisierung und Passivierung untersucht diese Studie die syntaktische Struktur und deren Interaktion mit dem Wortbildungsprozess der Nominalisierung und zeigt, dass Eigenschaften, die für Passivformen typisch sind, in Nominalisierungen fehlen. Dabei präsentiert diese Studie mit der Untersuchung morphosyntaktischer Faktoren und deren Beziehungen zu Nominalisierungen, der Inkonsistenzen aufzeigt. Durch einen Vergleich von etwa 3000 Verben auf Basis der Verbklassenmorphologie ergibt sich eine signifikante Asymmetrie zwischen Nominalisierungen, die eine mediale/intransitive Markierung tragen, und Nominalisierungen, die als aktiv markiert sind, wobei sich die mediale Form in zwei klar definierten syntaktischen Kontexten als weniger produktiv erweist. Dies zeigt sich auch dadurch, dass alternierende Wurzeln, also Wurzeln die sowohl aktive als auch mediale Verbformen ausbilden können, bilden ihre Nominalisierungen auf Basis ihrer aktiven Form. Auf Basis der Konzepte von Konkurrenz und Markiertheit werden diese paradigmatischen Lücken nicht als grammatisch bedingte Inkompatibilitäten analysiert, sondern als eine generelle Präferenz für weniger markierte Formen (aktiv-markierte Nominalisierungen) gegenüber komplexeren (medial-markierte Nominalisierungen), wie in der Performanz häufig zu beobachten. / This study is concerned with the properties, structural representation and derivational patterns of deverbal nouns (DNs) in Modern Hebrew. A recurring question arises in the context of such ‘hybrid’ formations: precisely how similar or far-apart are these derivatives from the verbs from which they originate? Enlisting Hebrew, a language with rich morphological marking on both verbs as well as DNs, several loci of divergence between verbs and respective DNs in the domain of argument- and event-structure are eliminated. Taking as a point of reference the influential view which equates the processes of nominalization and passivization, this study scrutinizes syntactic structure and its interaction with nominalization, showing that behaviours typical of passives are absent from DNs. a finding which weakens long-standing beliefs bearing on this class. A novel area of exploration offered in this study is the examination of morpho-syntactic factors and their interaction with nominalization, a domain where inconsistencies do arise. What emerges from a comparison of some 3000 verbs based on verb-class (templatic) morphology is a significant asymmetry between DNs carrying Middle (intransitive) marking and DNs marked as Active, wherein Middle forms are found to be less productive in two well-defined syntactic contexts. Not entirely absent, however, the same roots which fail to surface with Middle morphology are perfectly licit when derived from the corresponding Active verb (in case of alternating roots). Building on the notions of competition and markedness, such paradigmatic gaps are analysed not as grammatically-determined incompatibilities, but as a consistent preference for less-marked forms (Active-marked DNs) over more complex ones (Middle-marked DNs), a trend which lies within the realm of performance. As such, Hebrew DNs constitute a case study of the interrelations between the syntactic and morphological modules, and pragmatics.
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