With the rising tensions and strains created by modern America, historians have sought diligently to discover the answers to industrial America's problems. One answer lay in American reform movements, and as the New Deal reforms came under fierce attack in the 1950's, liberal historians sought diligently to give to reform movements historical authenticity.

From its early days as a slave state, to its secession from the Union, to finally admitting that the south had failed, Texas played a major role in the Confederacy and the Civil War.

This thesis challenges the traditional interpretation of the history of Populism in America through the use of an intensive regional study. Using precinct-level returns, this thesis proves that, contrary to the conclusions of more general studies, voters from predominately Populist areas in North Texas did not support the poll tax amendment that passed in November 1902. The Populists within this region demonstrated their frustration and distrust of the political process by leaving the polls in higher percentages than other voters between 1896 and 1902. The Populists that did participate in 1902 reentered the Democratic Party but did not support the poll tax, which was a major plank within the Democratic platform. This thesis also proves that the poll tax had a significant effect in reducing the electorate in North Texas.

The problem with which this study was concerned is the political influence of community/junior college chief executive officers (CEOs) and campus presidents on the state legislature, both directly and indirectly, in the funding of community colleges in Texas. Perceptions of effectiveness were recorded by survey from campus presidents and CEOs as well as from legislators and key legislators. In addition, interviews were conducted with several key legislators and the chief administrators of the two statewide community college organizations. The purpose of the study was to analyze the policy-making process in Texas of which community/junior colleges are a part. The influential relationships and interactions of the sixty-five CEOs and campus presidents of the public community college districts and campuses in Texas were analyzed after a survey instrument was administered. Perceptions of rank—and—file legislators were gathered through use of another survey instrument and perceptions of key legislators were gathered in the same manner but with the addition of a personal interview. Certain questions were asked of them concerning interactions and communication with leaders of community colleges. With the legislators and the presidents certain demographic data was collected and analyzed as a part of the study. Among the findings, campus presidents and CEOs do not have sufficient levels of acquaintance, interaction and communication to heavily influence local people whom they consider powerful in state funding of community colleges. Furthermore, legislators do not receive enough communication from powerful local group members to positively influence their decisions regarding community college funding. Presidents and CEOs from the metropolitan districts communicate most often with their legislators followed by those from rural districts. Board members from the metropolitan districts are most active in communicating with their legislators. Finally, legislators view the community college nearest them as equal to or better than community colleges statewide.

This study used a critical discourse analysis (CDA) to examine the Texas Essential Knowledge and Skills for government. These are the learning standards that public schools are required to use as the curriculum in Texas. Additionally, the study critically examined the Texas State Board of Education meeting minutes from the spring of 2010, when the board revised all social studies TEKS. James Gee’s framework for conducting CDA was used to analyze the government TEKS and meeting minutes to uncover the ways in which the language in the documents defines democratic and citizenship education in Texas, determine if the language creates an imbalance of power among participants in education, and do these documents agree with educational philosophers’ construct of citizenship and democratic education? The results of the CDA concluded that the Texas learning standards, and the words of many SBOE members reveal a preference toward right-wing, conservative beliefs. The construct of citizenship and democratic education created by the Texas government TEKS and SBOE meeting minutes contradicts these notions, as defined by educational theorists, and excludes those participants who do not embrace these beliefs.

This study focuses upon the Texas congressional delegation from 1933 to 1938 in an attempt to determine the extent of southern insurgency within that group. Following an examination of the Redeemer-insurgent dichotomy in southern politics since Reconstruction, the thesis analyzes roll-call votes on New Deal legislation concerning agricultural, financial, relief, and labor reform issues to demonstrate that a spirit of southern insurgency existed in Texas politics in the 1930's. The study concludes that Morris Sheppard, Sam Rayburn, Maury Maverick, W. D. McFarlane, R. Ewing Thomason, and Lyndon B. Johnson were politicians in the tradition of southern insurgents. The influence of these men, especially Sheppard, Rayburn, and Maverick, on the passage of legislation reflecting insurgent demands is demonstrated to be significant.

"The theme of this work centers around the Negro and his association with the Radical Republican party. For eight years this party controlled the state government of Texas and, the Negro's participation during this period cannot be overlooked. The Negro possessed, at this time, two valuable assets, the right of suffrage and a strength in numbers. It was through the careful coordination of these two assets that the Radicals were able to gain and maintain control of Texas politics."--Leaves iii-iv.

This dissertation examines the results and strategies used in the 1978 Texas gubernatorial election to determine what issues, demographics, and campaign strategies led the Republican Party nominee, Dallas businessman Bill Clements, to defeat the Democratic nominee, Attorney General John Hill, to break the 105-year old Democratic lock on the governorship and how this victory affected the evolution of Texas into a two-party state. Research materials include manuscripts and published speeches, letters, oral interviews, elections results, and secondary materials.

The Comanche Indians presented a major challenge to the Republic of Texas throughout its nine-year history. The presence of the Comanches greatly slowed the westward advancement of the Texas frontier, just as it had hindered the advancing frontiers of the Spaniards and Mexicans who colonized Texas before the creation of the Republic. The Indian policy of the Republic of Texas was inconsistent. Changes in leadership brought drastic alterations in the policy pursued toward the Comanche nation. The author examines the Indian policy of the Republic, how the Comanches responded to that policy, and the impact of Texan-Comanche relations on both parties.

"This study is being made to assess the actual importance of the platform in recent gubernatorial elections in Texas. Because an intensive analysis is undertaken, the scope of this thesis has been limited in two ways. First, it is confined to the years 1946-1963 spanning the Administrations of Governors Beauford Jester, Allan Shivers, and Price Daniel. Secondly, in an attempt to compare the executives with one another, platform promises related to education, health and welfare, highways, and taxation adopted at the Democratic State Convention have been included. The method utilized to determine fulfillment of a political promise has been to compare the Governor's recommendations to the Legislature with the resulting action. In particular, an attempt has been made to (1) describe the Democratic primary election, with special reference to the issues raised; (2) to discuss the Democratic State Convention with a listing of the planks mentioned above; and (3) to analyze proposals in the Governor's State of the State Messages and special messages and to compare them with the resulting legislative action." -- leaf 1.