The focus of the study is the way which members of the press corps in the Texas Capitol influence policy-making through their friendships with legislators and through the news stories which they write. Methods of study included questionnaires to reporters and to legislators, interviews with members of both groups, and review of news stories written about the regular session of the 64th Texas Legislature. Respondents reported that journalists were used as "expert consultants" in legislative strategy as well as in policy content areas. While informal relationships were found to have an impact on policy, published news stories were perceived as having greater influence.

Audio-visual aids can help to cause the student to realize that "government" is an animate, ever-changing thing that affects him in many ways. The purpose of this paper is to suggest ways in which government courses may be given life.

This dissertation is a study of the effects of the abolition of slavery on the economic and political elite of six Texas counties between 1860 and 1890. It focuses on Austin, Brazoria, Colorado, Fort Bend, Matagorda, and Wharton Counties. These areas contain the overwhelming majority of Stephen F. Austin's "Old Three Hundred," the original American settlers of Texas. In addition to being the oldest settled region, these counties contained many of the wealthiest slaveholders within the state. This section of the state, along with the northeast along the Louisiana border, includes the highest concentration of Texas' antebellum plantations. This study asks two central questions. First, what were the effects of abolition on the fortunes of the planter class within these six counties? Did a new elite emerge as a result of the end of slavery, or, despite the liquidation of a substantial portion of their estates, did members of the former planter class sustain their economic dominance over the counties? Second, what were abolition's effects on the counties' prewar political elite, defined as the county judge? Who were in power before the war and who were in power after it? Did abolition contribute to a new kind of politician?

The purpose of this study is to analyze the state executive committees of the two major political parties in Texas and to present facts regarding the membership of the committees (the policy-makers) and the professional staff of the state party organization (the administrators of party policy).

List of tables -- Chapter I. Price Daniel: a biographical sketch -- Chapter II. Governor Daniel and the fifty-fifth Texas legislature -- Chapter III. Governor Daniel and the fifty-sixth Texas legislature -- Chapter IV. Governor Daniel and the fifty-seventh Texas legislature -- Chapter V. Techniques used by Governor Price Daniel in Exercising legislative leadership-- Bibliography.

"This study is interested primarily in the political and economic philosophies which motivated the men who came to power in Texas following the overthrow of the Reconstruction regime, and which dominated the public affairs of the state during those years. It approaches the problem from the viewpoint of the positions of various individuals regarding the more prominent issues of the day, both state and national. The concentrates on the administrations of five governors of Texas and the tenures of five members of Congress. These men are viewed in relation to the times, and Texas is observed in light of its peculiar problems and its relation to the United States as a whole." -- leaf iv.

Chapter I. Early political and diplomatic career -- Chapter II. Anson Jones, Secretary of State -- Chapter III. Independence or annexation -- Chapter IV. Annexation achieved -- Chapter V. Assessment -- Bibliography.

The scope of this study is limited to Federal military occupation during the five years from 1865 to 1870. Only the interior counties, where a dense Negro population required the exercise of political and social responsibilities, will be considered in detail. A line from Wise through Bosque, Travis, Wilson, Karnes, and Goliad Counties to the coastal town of Corpus Christi would roughly separate interior from frontier posts.

Beauford Halbert Jester, thirty-sixth governor of Texas, had served nearly six months of his second term when he died on July 11, 1949. He tends to be remembered as the only Texas governor to die in office, but his accomplishments deserve greater recognition. Elected as the Establishment candidate in a bitter campaign against a liberal opponent, Jester had a surprisingly progressive administration. During his tenure the state generally expanded its services, began a prison reform program, reorganized the public school system, began an ambitious farm-to-market road program, attempted a new approach to juvenile delinquency, expanded educational opportunities for blacks, created a legislative redistricting board, and established a building fund for state-supported colleges and universities.

This thesis focuses upon the impact of war upon the progressive movement in Texas during 1914-1918. Chapter I defines progressivism in Texas and presents an overview of the political situation in the state as relating to the period. Chapter II discusses the negative impact that the first two years of World War I had upon the reform movement. Chapter III examines the revival of the Anti-Saloon League and the 1916 Democratic state convention. Chapter IV covers the war between James E. Ferguson and the University of Texas. Chapter V tells how the European war became a catalyst for the reform movement in Texas following America's entry, and its subsequent influence upon the election of 1918. Chapter VI concludes that James E. Ferguson's war with the University of Texas as well as World War I were responsible for the prohibitionist victory in the election of 1918.