In October 1863 the United States Army's Rio Grande Expedition left New Orleans, bound for the Texas coast. Reacting to the recent French occupation of Mexico, President Abraham Lincoln believed that the presence of U.S. troops in Texas would dissuade the French from intervening in the American Civil War. The first major objective of this campaign was Brownsville, Texas, a port city on the lower Rio Grande. Its capture would not only serve as a warning to the French in Mexico; it would also disrupt a lucrative Confederate cotton trade across the border. The expedition had a mixed record of achievement. It succeeded in disrupting the cotton trade, but not stopping it. Federal forces installed a military governor, Andrew J. Hamilton, in Brownsville, but his authority extended only to the occupied part of Texas, a strip of land along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. The campaign also created considerable fear among Confederate soldiers and civilians that the ravages of civil war had now come to the Lone Star State. Although short-lived, the panic generated by the Rio Grande Expedition left an indelible mark on the memories of Texans who lived through the campaign. The expedition achieved its greatest success by establishing a permanent Federal presence in Texas as a warning against possible French meddling north of the Rio Grande.

Looking at census reports, county commissioners court minutes, Freedmen's Bureau records, manuscript collections, and secondary material, this study investigates the effects of Military Reconstruction, 1867-1870, on Dallas County, Texas. There were few lasting or long-term changes for the area. The county was isolated from communities to the east and south that encountered different effects. There was a small black and Unionist population and virtually no carpetbaggers. Succumbing to apathy in the 1868 election that produced a Republican constitutional convention, county Conservatives successfully determined not to let it happen again and were "redeemed" in 1870. The white population of the county, increasing rapidly during this period, contributed to an attitude that pushed Radical Reconstruction aside and focused on prosperity and growth.

Oran Milo Roberts was at the center of every important event in Texas between 1857 and 1883. He served on the state supreme court on three separate occasions, twice as chief justice. As president of the 1861 Secession Convention he was instrumental in leading Texas out of the Union. He then raised and commanded an infantry regiment in the Confederate Army. After the Civil War, Roberts was a delegate to the 1866 Constitutional Convention and was elected by the state legislature to the United States Senate, though Republicans in Congress refused to seat him. He served two terms as governor from 1879 to 1883. Despite being a major figure in Texas history, there are no published biographies of Roberts. This dissertation seeks to examine Roberts's place in Texas history and analyze the factors that drove him to seek power. It will also explore the major events in which he participated and determine his historical legacy to the state.

The Walling Family of Nineteenth-Century Texas recounts the actions of the first four generations of the John Walling family. Through a heavily quantitative study, the study focuses on the patterns of movement, service, and seizing opportunity demonstrated by the family as they took full advantage of the benefits of frontier expansion in the Old South and particularly Texas. In doing so, it chronicles the role of a relatively unknown family in many of the most defining events of the nineteenth-century Texas experience such as the Texas Revolution, Mexican War, Civil War, Reconstruction, and the Close of the Frontier. Based on extensive research in census, tax, election, land, military, family paper, newspaper, and existing genealogical records; the study documents the contributions of family members to the settlement of more than forty counties while, at the same time, noting its less positive behaviors such as its open hostility to American Indians, and significant slave ownership. This study seeks to extend the work of other quantitative studies that looked at movement and political influence in the Old South, Texas, and specific communities to the microcosm of a single extended family. As a result, it should be of use to those wanting a greater understanding of how events in nineteenth-century Texas shaped, and were shaped by, families outside the political and social elite.

"This research study shall be the advancement of the Negro within business and professional enterprises in Texas since 1900. The objective is to discover if and where the colored people have made progress. If progress has been made, it must be due to some prevailing influence, and if no progress has been made, there has evidently been some hindering cause. This research shall try to discover these factors and record the results as they affected the progress of these people. It is the intention of this writer to race the educational, economic, and social advancement of these people and to show in what fields of endeavor they have advanced and in which fields they have failed. This advancement shall be traced from the year 1900 to the year 1950, showing the progress in ten year intervals."-- leaf 1.

The debate over the display of the Confederate battle flag in public places throughout the South focus on the flag's display by state governments such South Carolina and Mississippi. The state of Texas is rarely placed in this debate, and neither has the debate adequately explore the role of high schools' use of Confederate symbols. Schools represent the community and serve as a symbol of its values. A school represented by Confederate symbols can communicate a message of intolerance to a rival community or opposing school during sports contests. Within the community, conflict arose when an opposition group to the symbols formed and asked for the symbols' removal in favor of symbols that were seen more acceptable by outside observers. Many times, an outside party needed to step in to resolve the conflict. In Texas, the conflict between those in favor and those oppose centered on the Confederate battle flag, and the memory each side associated with the flag. Anglos saw the flag as their school spirit. African Americans saw hatred.

The Mexican Revolution probably affected Texas more than any other state. As the Revolution intensified, Texans responded with increased efforts to shape the Mexican policies of the Woodrow Wilson administration. Some became directly involved in the Revolution and the U.S. reaction to it, but most Texans sought to influence American policy toward Mexico through pressure on their political leaders in Austin and Washington. Based primarily on research in the private and public papers of leading state and national political figures, archival sources such as the Congressional Record and the Department of State's decimal file, major newspapers of the era, and respected works, this study details the successes and failures that Texans experienced in their endeavors to influence Wilson's Mexican policies.

This investigation of twentieth century trends in mathematics education includes the survey of existing literature and questionnaires conducted with retired and active Texas teachers. Historical events, trends in curriculum, instruction, learning theories, and contradictions of twenty-year periods are delineated. Questionnaire responses are tabulated along the same periods and vignettes of typical classrooms are drawn from the data. Results of the survey show the impact of societal forces on mathematics curricula, a continued downward expansion of content into lower grades and expanding knowledge of learning processes. A unified mathematics curriculum, classroom-related learning theory research, and further development of team-teaching are postulated as future trends. Recommendations include further examination of trends through isolation of other variables such as region and ethnicity.

"The problem of this study was to find out if there were any causative factors inherent within the North Texas State College new men's dormitory, the Quadrangle, which were detrimental to the development of incoming college male students."--1.

"The purpose of this study is to evaluate the effectiveness of journalism training received at North Texas State College by journalism majors."--4