From its early days as a slave state, to its secession from the Union, to finally admitting that the south had failed, Texas played a major role in the Confederacy and the Civil War.

I examined the factors that led to the rise and fall of psychiatric hospitals and its impact on two select groups of individuals: adults and older adults with severe mental illness. To explore the reasons behind these fluctuations, the State of Texas was used as a case study. Additionally, the fluctuations occurred for different reasons in public vs. for-profit investor-owned psychiatric hospitals. Using an investor-owned psychiatric hospital organization as a case study, I investigated the differences in factors that influenced the growth and/or demise in public vs. investor-owned psychiatric hospitals. Evolution and devolution of psychiatric hospitals was assessed during select time periods: 1700 to1930, 1940 to1970, 1980 to 2000, and 2000 to present. Time period selections were relevant to the important drivers of the span of time that influenced the psychiatric hospitals. Historical review and trend analysis was used to identify the total number of psychiatric hospitals and/or total number of psychiatric hospital beds and psychiatric hospitals by type. Analysis showed there was a cyclical pattern of evolution and devolution of psychiatric hospitals and each cycle altered the form, function, and role of the psychiatric hospital along with altering the location of care for adults and older adults with severe mental illness. The research results suggest a long-stay residential facility, specializing in evidence-based treatment for adults and older adults with severe mental illness, to counter the dire shortage of psychiatric hospital beds.

Isaac Van Zandt and his son Khleber Miller Van Zandt were instrumental figures in the growth of Texas and the development of the town of Fort Worth, Texas. Isaac Van Zandt was one of the main members of the delegation from Texas to the United States who negotiated for annexation. He also played a major part in the Texas Constitutional Convention of 1845 and made a run for governor before his death in 1847. His son, Khleber Miller Van Zandt was a Confederate soldier and businessman who saw something in the outpost of Fort Worth that was worth developing. Along with an influential group of other businessmen he was a part of every major development that occurred in Fort Worth until his death in 1930. Both Van Zandts' roles are discussed and the importance of their actions is brought to light.

This dissertation is a study of the effects of the abolition of slavery on the economic and political elite of six Texas counties between 1860 and 1890. It focuses on Austin, Brazoria, Colorado, Fort Bend, Matagorda, and Wharton Counties. These areas contain the overwhelming majority of Stephen F. Austin's "Old Three Hundred," the original American settlers of Texas. In addition to being the oldest settled region, these counties contained many of the wealthiest slaveholders within the state. This section of the state, along with the northeast along the Louisiana border, includes the highest concentration of Texas' antebellum plantations. This study asks two central questions. First, what were the effects of abolition on the fortunes of the planter class within these six counties? Did a new elite emerge as a result of the end of slavery, or, despite the liquidation of a substantial portion of their estates, did members of the former planter class sustain their economic dominance over the counties? Second, what were abolition's effects on the counties' prewar political elite, defined as the county judge? Who were in power before the war and who were in power after it? Did abolition contribute to a new kind of politician?

The problem with which this investigation is concerned is that of providing research on the development of the Coordinating Board, Texas College and University System, and to describe the manner in which it presently functions.

The relationship between Texas Baptists and slavery is studied with an emphasis on the official statements made about the institution in denominational sources combined with a statistical analysis of the extent of slaveholding among Baptists. A data list of over 5,000 names was pared to 1100 names of Baptists in Texas prior to 1865 and then cross-referenced on slaveownership through the use of federal censuses and county tax rolls. Although Texas Baptists participated economically in the slave system, they always maintained that blacks were children of God worthy of religious instruction and salvation. The result of these disparate views was a paradox between treating slaves as chattels while welcoming them into mixed congregations and allowing them some measure of activity within those bodies. Attitudes expressed by white Baptists during the antebellum period were continued into the post-war years as well. Meanwhile, African-American Baptists gradually withdrew from white dominated congregations, forming their own local, regional, and state organizations. In the end, whites had no choice but to accept the new-found status of the Freedmen, cooperating with black institutions on occasion. Major sources for this study include church, associational, and state Baptist minutes; county and denominational histories; and government documents. The four appendices list associations, churches, and counties with extant records. Finally, private accounts of former slaves provide valuable insight into the interaction between white and black Baptists.

This thesis challenges the traditional interpretation of the history of Populism in America through the use of an intensive regional study. Using precinct-level returns, this thesis proves that, contrary to the conclusions of more general studies, voters from predominately Populist areas in North Texas did not support the poll tax amendment that passed in November 1902. The Populists within this region demonstrated their frustration and distrust of the political process by leaving the polls in higher percentages than other voters between 1896 and 1902. The Populists that did participate in 1902 reentered the Democratic Party but did not support the poll tax, which was a major plank within the Democratic platform. This thesis also proves that the poll tax had a significant effect in reducing the electorate in North Texas.

This paper discusses the influence of religious aspects in rural thought and how they played in the activities of agrarian movements and farm protest movements. The religious orientations of major agrarian reformers in Texas is discussed, as well as the similarities between Protestant religious institutions and agrarian institutions, specifically the Farmers' Alliance and People's Party of Texas.

This thesis is a descriptive account of the history of Negroes in Texas including how they came to reside in Texas, their population trends, and the developments they have made since 1900 in areas such as politics, education, and the work force.

"As the American Civil War was brought to a close in April, 1865, the entire nation was plunged into an era which was characterized by unrest and turmoil. The North had before it the task of reconstructing the former Confederate states so that they would be able to resume their former positions in national councils, while the South was called on to adjust to a way of life which was drastically different. In military District Five, formed as a result of congressional control, as in the rest of the South, continued post-war controversy has tended to becloud appraisals of the period of military reconstruction. A fair evaluation requires examination of the primary sources inasmuch as secondary works on the era have continued to reflect sectional viewpoints. Such an evaluation reveals the need for a comprehensive re-interpretation of the entire era of military control of reconstruction under the congressional plan. This analysis of military government in District Five represents such a re-interpretation of one area of the post-war South."-- leaf iii.