Drawing from oral histories which I gathered while living in Bolivia, this thesis tracks the start, growth, and development of the political movement led by women from the Bolivian mines from 1961 to 1987. This movement helped create a new political culture that recognized the importance of women’s participation in politics and human rights. Today, this culture lives on. Bolivia has not experienced a coup since 1980, and the nation’s human rights record has improved dramatically since the 1980s as well. Prior to the mid-1980s, Bolivia was often under the control of oppressive military regimes that resorted to many different types of coercion in attempts to silence resistance in the mining centers, the national government’s main source of conflict. This uneven power struggle between working class activists and the national government motivated many women to challenge gender roles and involve themselves in politics. After establishing their political organization called the Housewives’ Committee, women activists organized and acted collectively to challenge political oppression and mitigate the effects of extreme poverty. They frequently employed compelling tactics, most commonly hunger strikes, to win attention for their issues. They also involved themselves in many other diverse projects and demonstrations depending on their communities’ need. Women’s political development resulted in a number of personal transformations among those who participated: it awakened a political consciousness and also enabled women to recognize the importance of their paid and unpaid work in the mining economy. These changes eventually altered women’s understanding of how women’s oppression fit into the broader struggle of working class activism by convincing them of the deep connection between women’s liberation and the liberation of their community. These transformations led to the acceptance of women as political activists and leaders, which continues in the present. This work also tracks the United States’ impact on the relationship between the mining centers and the state. This analysis serves to remind us that as United States citizens we must be very critical of our nation’s impact; because of our ability to enormously affect small land-locked countries like Bolivia, we must also hold ourselves accountable to understanding our historical impact so that we can make informed decisions in the present.

Drawing from oral histories which I gathered while living in Bolivia, this thesis tracks the start, growth, and development of the political movement led by women from the Bolivian mines from 1961 to 1987. This movement helped create a new political culture that recognized the importance of women’s participation in politics and human rights. Today, this culture lives on. Bolivia has not experienced a coup since 1980, and the nation’s human rights record has improved dramatically since the 1980s as well. Prior to the mid-1980s, Bolivia was often under the control of oppressive military regimes that resorted to many different types of coercion in attempts to silence resistance in the mining centers, the national government’s main source of conflict. This uneven power struggle between working class activists and the national government motivated many women to challenge gender roles and involve themselves in politics. After establishing their political organization called the Housewives’ Committee, women activists organized and acted collectively to challenge political oppression and mitigate the effects of extreme poverty. They frequently employed compelling tactics, most commonly hunger strikes, to win attention for their issues. They also involved themselves in many other diverse projects and demonstrations depending on their communities’ need. Women’s political development resulted in a number of personal transformations among those who participated: it awakened a political consciousness and also enabled women to recognize the importance of their paid and unpaid work in the mining economy. These changes eventually altered women’s understanding of how women’s oppression fit into the broader struggle of working class activism by convincing them of the deep connection between women’s liberation and the liberation of their community. These transformations led to the acceptance of women as political activists and leaders, which continues in the present. This work also tracks the United States’ impact on the relationship between the mining centers and the state. This analysis serves to remind us that as United States citizens we must be very critical of our nation’s impact; because of our ability to enormously affect small land-locked countries like Bolivia, we must also hold ourselves accountable to understanding our historical impact so that we can make informed decisions in the present.

Concern that youth do not have enough fruit and vegetable intake lead to two strategies implemented to influence intake in the school environment: the Healthy Hunger-Free Kids Act (HHFKA) and Fighting with Food: Battling Chemical Toxicity with Good Nutrition program (FF), which could influence phytochemical content and knowledge regarding phytochemicals, respectively. Individual food logs (n=468) were assessed upon completion of FF curriculum to determine whether students were able to correctly apply their nutrition knowledge regarding FF. Menus from one district were analyzed pre-HHFKA and post-HHFKA in elementary (n=156), middle (n=171), and high schools (n=171), for change in the frequency of fruit and vegetables, and for changes in select phytochemical and vitamin content. In food logs, students correctly identified fighting foods 71% of the time. School menus showed an increase in dark green, red/orange vegetables, with significant increases in carotenoid and flavonol content. Results suggest students are applying their nutrition knowledge. Also, more variety of fruit and vegetables are being offered, despite lack of a robust increase in all phytochemicals, which can help to lower inflammation and oxidative stress. Both strategies have the potential to work together as a multi-level intervention that can encourage more fruit and vegetable consumption among youth.

This dissertation situates debates over food procurement, provision, and hunger as the key economic and social contestations structuring the late colonial and postcolonial Indian state. It juxtaposes the visions of national statesmen against those advanced by party organizers, scientists, housewives, journalists, and international development workers and diplomats. Examining their promises and plans - and the global contexts in which they were made - this project demonstrates how India's "food question" mediated fundamental arguments over citizenship, governance, and the proper relationship between individuals, groups, and the state. / History

Feeding behavior is a complex phenomenon involving homeostatic signals, and non-homeostatic inputs such as visual cues. In primates, exposure to food-related sensory cues has been shown to elicit cephalic phase responses as well as trigger central appetitive processing, in a motivationally-dependent manner. Neural structures consistently implicated in such responses and/or in the regulation of ingestive behavior in general, in both monkeys and in humans, include the amygdala, insula, striatum, hypothalamus, and frontal and occipital cortices. In humans however, the cerebral response to visual food stimulation remains minimally explored. / Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) provides information about state-dependent changes in local neuronal activity in vivo. Using fMRI, the present dissertation examined changes in human brain activity to food and nonfood pictures following the pharmacological induction of hunger with the orexigenic hormone ghrelin (Study 1), and following manipulation of the cognitive state of food expectation (Study 2). / Our data reinforce the involvement of a distributed frontal-limbic-paralimbic circuit in the central processing of food imagery, under both experimental conditions. The first study revealed that intravenous ghrelin administration potently modulated food-associated neural responses III areas involved in reward, motivation, memory, and attention (amygdala, insula, orbitofrontal cortex, striatum, hippocampus, midbrain, visual areas). This suggests that metabolic signals such as ghrelin may promote food consumption by enhancing the appetitive response to food cues via engagement of the hedonic network. / The second study revealed that brain regions activated in the 'expectant' state (i.e. when subjects were anticipating food reward) were at least partially dissociable from those in the 'not expectant' state. In particular, recruitment of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, a principal component in the cognitive control network, exclusively in the 'not expectant' condition, may signal an attempt to suppress appetite in the absence of food expectation. Areas of convergence were observed in the amygdala and insula. / Obesity is rapidly becoming the major cause of excess mortality worldwide; therefore, understanding how the central nervous system controls appetite and nutrient consumption is of considerable interest. The projects in this thesis offer significant insights regarding the effects two select factors (one intrinsic and the other extrinsic) on the neural reaction to visual food stimuli, in healthy male participants.

Hunger and food insecurity exist across millions of households in the US, and in even greater numbers in the state of Georgia. In fact, Georgia ranks fourth among the ten states with the highest food insecurity. Hunger and food insecurity have negative implications for the health and well being of children and adults. Such outcomes include fatigue, headaches, and frequent colds among children, and worsening chronic and acute diseases among adults. A non-governmental approach to addressing hunger and food insecurity includes food-banking. The Atlanta Community Food Bank (ACFB) collects, warehouses, and distributes 2 million pounds of food and other donated items to Georgia households each month. Among its other activities, the ACFB collects food donations through food drives. The capstone project, Colleges Connect to Collect, was created to assist Atlanta college students in hosting food drives on their college campuses. There were 2088 pounds of food collected and donated to the ACFB through the project. Recommendations for sustaining the project are included in this report.

The parental stock of meat type chickens (broiler breeders) are commonly feed restricted to decrease their rapid growth and the issues associated with it. Among these birds, chronic hunger and stress are the most prominent welfare concerns and mass heterogeneity within flocks a major management challenge. The present study compared small and large broiler breeders of the same age within a flock, with the hypothesis that small birds would show signs of poorer welfare indicated by higher corticosterone concentration and heterophil/lymphocyte ratio as a consequence of higher experienced feed restriction due to competition. It also aimed to characterize morphometric differences between small and large birds within flocks as well as between birds on different feeding regimens; skip-a-day vs. every-day-fed. Heterophil/lymphocyte ratio at 4 weeks was significantly higher in large birds compared to small birds, but corticosterone concentration did not differ. Relative mass of the upper gastrointestinal tract, pancreas and liver of small birds at 4 weeks of age were significantly larger, while relative muscle and gizzard fat mass were significantly lower compared to large birds. 12 weeks old skip-a-day fed birds largely followed the pattern of 4 weeks old small birds. In the present study, no clear signs of poorer welfare in small broiler breeders could be seen and the morphometric differences might suggest different ways to cope with feed competition. A larger gastrointestinal tract might indicate long-term investments and maybe that smaller broiler breeders, and skip-a-day fed birds, are better habituated to feed restriction.

Målet med uppsatsen är att visa hur Suzanne Collins’s The Hunger Games kan användas i ett språkklassrum för att introducera begreppet makt. Målet är även att, från ett makt-perspektiv, kunna påvisa att spektaklet Hungerspelen kan uppfattas som ett medel för systematiskt förtryck, förödmjukelse och avhumanisering av den styrande makten. Ett ytterligare mål är att yrka på att huvudkaraktären Katniss handlingar i Hungerspelen kan uppfattas som motstånd mot detta. Novellen analyseras med hjälp av teorierna ”power over” och ”power to” för att kunna identifiera olika kategorier av makt. ”Power over” är ett uttryck av makt som används för att påverka, tvinga eller utnyttja någon. I novellen kan detta bland annat identifieras när den styrande makten tvingar befolkningen att titta på, eller delta i Hungerspelen. ”Power to” hänvisar till en persons individuella förmågor och kan identifieras i Katniss intelligens, självständighet, överlevnadsfärdigheter och mod. ”The Theory of Consent” är en teori som berör medgivande i en dominant-underordnad relation. Teorin påvisar att utan de underordnas medgivande har den dominanta parten dåliga förutsättningar för att styra. Denna teori presenteras som grund till den styrande maktens motiv för att tvinga dess underordnade att medverka i de farliga spelen. Skolan kan vara en plats som ger ökad förståelse av makt och mänskligt värde, något som betonas i Skolverkets styrdokument.  Detta genom att koppla diskussioner om olika perspektiv om makt till läsningen. Teorierna kan bistå elever med djupare förståelse om begreppet och kunna identifiera och ifrågasätta maktmissbruk och maktutövanden som utnyttjar och förtrycker sina underordnade. Den didaktiska delen kommer ge förslag på ett lektionsupplägg där elever kommer, utöver utveckla sin kunskap om makt, även träna sina språkliga egenskaper genom att läsa, tala, lyssna och skriva. Detta är något som betonas i styrdokumenten.

The focus of this thesis is how fanfiction, an underground subculture of web literature written about popular books, films, television shows, and comics, treats the original works it derives from. In this study I will examine the ways in which fans reshape the original stories of the works they write about, and the ways in which they do not, and speculate the reasons they have chosen to do so. This project examines fanfiction surrounding three young adult novels: Twilight, The Hunger Games, and Harry Potter. I examine each of these works and their respective fanfiction in order to highlight important themes in each work and problems inherent in each story to account for the changes fanfiction writers make in their literature. I have chosen one overarching theme in the fanfiction in each fandom and will explore why fanfiction authors have overwhelmingly chosen to change the source material to suit that theme.

Canadian social scientist researchers have frequently pointed out the necessity of understanding food banks and the conceptualization of food insecurity as political in relation to the institutionalization of food banks and their collective interaction with federal, provincial, and corporate bodies. However, a comprehensive understanding of this role must additionally engage with discursive practices at the community level. Food banks, as the source to which hundreds of thousands of Canadians turn each month to receive temporary relief from hunger, offer a wealth of information in this regard. Through a discourse analysis of documentation produced and collected by a prominent British Columbia food bank, this research investigates how discourses, images, and constructions of poverty and food insecurity influence and are influenced by the policies and practices of providing food relief. Overall, 1391 documents were analyzed, totaling 3285 pages covering the time period from 1989 up to 2008. This thesis concludes that although various understandings of food insecurity exist within the food bank documents, certain understandings are more commonly produced, specifically in the external documentation, as well as in food bank policies and procedures. Commonly produced understandings included an individualized conceptualization of food insecurity and of those who are food insecure and discourses of differential deservedness among food bank users. Policies and procedures included a malleability of food distribution eligibility and a utilitarian guide to the framework of food bank operations. I argue that the reproduction of these discourses, along with the implementation of these particular policies and procedures within the food bank, are key processes through which the possibility of a conceptualization of food insecurity as political is diminished at the individual and community level.